5 10 363 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/908b9766a57ec27046b8917bd3812b78.jpg 4016b5bd7892d4c98d177c34973d0922 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/68f5bb1730e29598cb9e60c5ac955fff.jpg 9248a6c10db2c85642be7f4d98bfb6f8 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Silent People by Walter Macken Subject The topic of the resource The Silent People by Walter Macken Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Walter Macken Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Kate O'Reilly Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Relation A related resource KHAA.IMK.1213 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource paperback book Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.1212 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/11b8fd07aa84d93d4b7ea3d8735d6782.jpg aa7cc242cd8c5fb1997c532956ae431e https://imkarchive.org/files/original/7380ad36b5097d2ee13d169bc2adba1c.jpg e0db8b25ffb683eaf110a935fcc16d14 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Scorching Wind by Walter Macken Description An account of the resource The Scorching Wind by Walter Macken Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Walter Macken Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Kate O'Reilly Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Walter Macken Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Relation A related resource KHAA.IMK.1212 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource paperback book Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.1213 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/5f350de6125585da8d784b72f5c56a49.jpg 9351f493cdcc95bc4cfe3934d9932928 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/58d0cadd8d948caa897c405dfa769380.jpg 96d08983e787fce63cc3044edaba2c34 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/982e40b3f7db4c8ab25533947a56bcf5.jpg 1ff85177318f0972257d0139b5e05bf9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Easter Rising Subject The topic of the resource Easter Rising Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2021 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1926 Description An account of the resource Éirí Amach na Cásca After the split in the Volunteer organisation, the breakaway Irish Volunteers were now wholly under the control of the physical force proponents. However, the Executive leadership of the organisation, while not against the idea of confronting the British, were of the view that any confrontation that would take place would only be in the case of an attempt to impose conscription or any effort to suppress the organisation or seize their weapons. Chief-of-Staff Eoin MacNeill firmly believed that if any uprising were to occur without popular support, it would be doomed to failure. While the leadership of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), the driving force behind the Irish Volunteers, largely shared this view, the IRB Military Council itself had been planning an armed insurrection against the British while they were preoccupied with the First World War. This Military Council would eventually comprise of all the future signatories of the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. One of the later additions to the Military Council was James Connolly of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA) whose own inclination, independent of the Military Council, was to stage an armed rebellion. The genesis of the Easter Rising of 1916 is supposed to have begun at Patrick Pearse’s stirring graveyard oration at the funeral of renowned Fenian and Rosscarbery native Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa in August of 1915 in Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin. The mass mobilization surrounding the funeral was a deliberately overt demonstration of the strength and military precision of the Irish Volunteers. When the actual Insurrection occurred on Easter Weekend 1916, the reality was somewhat different. A determination by the Military Council to keep the planning secret both from dissenting leadership of the Volunteers (indeed from some of the IRB also) and from possible informers, resulted in the regional command structure being unaware of the true nature of the planned mobilisation for that weekend. Chaos then ensued due to a countermanding order issued by MacNeill (a press notice was issued in that weekend’s newspaper!), once he became aware of the imminent insurrection. Once this countermanding order from the Chief-of-Staff had been issued, the regional leadership had no choice but to fall in line despite counter-countermanding orders issued subsequently. One also has to appreciate the difficulty of communication given the constraints of time and distance, all under the ever watchful eyes of the police, the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC). Another spanner in the works was the arrest of Sir Roger Casement and the interception of the Aud, which was to land at Tralee, carrying much needed guns and ammunition from the Germans. In Dublin the intervention of MacNeill only succeeded in delaying the insurrection for one day because the command structure there was directly linked to the Military Council. “Boys, some of us may never come back!” - Thomas MacDonagh The Rising began on Easter Monday with the mobilisation of the Irish Volunteers, Connolly’s ICA, Cumann na mBan and some other minor groupings. While they seized and occupied many key buildings, they set up headquarters in the heart of Dublin’s main thoroughfare, in the General Post Office (GPO). The reception from the local populace was at best indifferent and at worse insulting. This however soon turned to outright resentment due to the widespread destruction of the city by the consequent British bombardment. It appeared that the Rebels’ assertion that the British would not destroy the properties of one of the major cities of its Empire was unfounded; they were treating Dublin more like Berlin than Birmingham! After 5 days and in the face of overwhelming superiority of forces and artillery, to save lives and property, the Rebels agreed to an unconditional surrender. While plans may have envisaged a more widespread Rising and aspired to a more successful conclusion, there is no doubt that the leaders were under no illusions as to the likeliest outcome: their courts-martial and executions for treason under the wide-ranging wartime Defence of the Realm Act (DORA). Their main aim all the time was to provoke a reaction from the British and to raise the consciousness of those whom they believed were falsely placated by the promise of devolved regional government, while at the same time giving a glimpse of the paucity of autonomy that Home Rule would provide. Given the strictures of wartime censorship and a mostly unsympathetic press it is difficult to gauge the amount of popular support there might have been for a revolution before the British lionised the leaders by executing them over an extended period of time and by their mass countrywide round-up and internment of Irish Volunteers. In the 1918 General Election, Sinn Féin, their manifesto standing firmly by the same principles as envisaged by the Proclamation of the Provisional Government of Easter, 1916, gained a remarkable landslide victory. “… order, counter-order, disorder” - Terence MacSwiney In Cork, in his role as Brigade Commander of the Cork Volunteers, Tomás MacCurtain, had control of some thousand Volunteers; these were to be deployed in the transport and distribution of the imminent arms shipment due to arrive on the Aud. It is not clear exactly when MacCurtain was informed of the planned Rising for that weekend ( as an IRB member he most likely was taken into the confidence of the Military Council), but he was certainly well prepared for the very real possibility of an engagement with enemy forces when coming into possession of so many arms. The planned role for Cork in the Rising would require that members of the Cork City Battalion would take the train (some made their way by bicycle) from Cork to Crookstown on Easter Sunday, rendezvous with the other Cork Battalions at Béal na Blath, and then proceed to Kilmurry where they were to be joined by some 20 men from the Kilmurry Company. In all some 400 men assembled in Kilmurry and then set off to Macroom from where they were to proceed onto Carriganimma to meet up with other Companies assembled there. MacCurtain was in the winless position of knowing that the shipment of arms had been intercepted but had decided to continue the mobilization through to Macroom, at least as an exercise and even more importantly to maintain discipline and morale. It was only on his return to Cork City on Easter Monday to stand down the Volunteers, having spent the previous twenty-four hours travelling County Cork with MacSwiney, that he was informed that an insurrection had indeed begun in Dublin. The Cork City Volunteers held the Volunteer Hall in Sheares Street for most of that week under threat of bombardment from the British Military forces unless all arms were surrendered. An accommodation was reached after intervention by the Bishop of Cork and Kilmichael Parish native, Daniel Cohalan and Lord Mayor of Cork, Councillor Thomas C. Butterfield; the arms would be deposited for safekeeping to the Lord Mayor and the men would be free to return to their homes. These terms were then breached by the British when they raided the Lord Mayor’s house and captured the arms and subsequently interned both MacCurtain and MacSwiney. Later enquiries carried out by the Volunteers and the IRB found that MacCurtain and MacSwiney had conducted themselves appropriately given the circumstances on that confusing weekend. Exonerated or not, there was no little frustration experienced by them and their fellow Volunteers; given their sense of uselessness in the face of the much different experience and tragic outcome experienced by their Dublin colleagues. They would have to bide their time to vent this frustration. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Sinn Féin Rebellion Handbook Easter, 1916 by Weekly Irish Times [1917 Issue] Subject The topic of the resource 1916 Rising Description An account of the resource Weekly Irish Times (1917) story of 1916 Rising Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Weekly Irish Times Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Pat Hillgrove Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1917 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource paper Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.1183 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm 1916 Rising https://imkarchive.org/files/original/dc08a474b057dfbb4f4fb58283e9c876.JPG d8d90302d1fb176f82583ea7ba7df329 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/c5859e9c518661701f9d51738aebd5aa.JPG d118797929b9ddb9708e55dee1fa3f74 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/ffdc3a2e48c22d6ed1fb39faf37b61d6.JPG ff4c3dd860106cc31869c503830b1119 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/0d9b79b8ea268b890059b3dd79995964.JPG c2a70f9c0c260cf79721abaefb95984d https://imkarchive.org/files/original/398cb22ff8f5f14431ad7113080b0b44.JPG ff4c3dd860106cc31869c503830b1119 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/f373e7252b7fd8170c5af1269782da7f.JPG ff4c3dd860106cc31869c503830b1119 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Apprentice Table made by the late William Philip Allen - Manchester Martyr 1867 Subject The topic of the resource Manchester Martyrs, Fenians Description An account of the resource A few short years before his young life was taken from him and he would be remembered forever as a Fenian martyr, William Philip Allen was apprenticed to a Master carpenter in Bandon, Co. Cork. During that time the young apprentice made a table that still exists today, over 150 years later! Now a prominent and key item in our Independence Museum Kilmurry collection, the table has been a part of our archive for many years; from the time of our previous 50 year existence as The Terence McSwiney Memorial Museum. That the table is still in such a sound state today is a testament not only to the obvious craftsmanship of the young apprentice but more so to his enduring legacy as one of the Manchester Martyrs. A Tipperary native his family transferred to Bandon when his father became a turnkey at the local Bridewell. Although raised in his father’s Protestant faith and educated at a Training School under that religion in Bandon, his Catholic mother saw to it that he also studied under the direction of her own faith. By all accounts a conspicuously intelligent and thoughtful student his particular strengths lay in the fields of algebra and drawing. Most likely under the influence of his mother and his extra-curricular Catholic teachers the young Allen would later on in his teens be received into the Catholic faith. A few years before this the young Allen came under the influence of Fenians in the town and eventually joined that organisation. For reasons unclear, but most likely due to his increasing activity within the Fenian organisation, he did not complete his apprenticeship but ended up working later on in Manchester, England for one of the principal builders in that city; having gone there to stay with relations. Being an active and enthusiastic member of the Fenians there it is no great surprise that Allen was at the forefront of attempts to rescue his friend, Fenian Leader Colonel Thomas J. Kelly (“I’ll die for you before I deliver you up!”) and Cork Centre (unit leader) Timothy Deasy. While it is undoubted that Allen was a key member of the successful rescue attempt that freed both Colonel Kelly and Captain Timothy Deasy, while being transferred to prison in Manchester, there is much doubt surrounding Allen’s role in the killing of Police Sergeant Charles Brett during that ambush. However Allen and his Fenian companions, Michael Larkin and Michael O’Brien, would be hanged for common murder even though the charge and indeed the trial itself were highly questionable. From the British point of view, they had hoped that this would put to bed the so-called Fenian scare that was perceived as a threat to the Empire (let alone the North of England) and political stability. The truth however was that this was a major boost to the Fenian cause which at that time was at something of an impasse in strategic terms and not being able to muster major support at home in Ireland. A point that was not lost at the time on no less an observer than Friedrich Engels, who wrote the following to Karl Marx: “So yesterday morning the Tories….accomplished the final act of separation between England and Ireland. The only thing that the Fenians still lacked were martyrs….. Only the execution of the three has made the liberation of Kelly and Deasy the heroic deed which will now be sung to every Irish babe in the cradle in Ireland….” The brutal injustice of the treatment of these men contrasted with the Fenian traits of stoicism, manliness and principled behaviour displayed by them- this led to an immediate awakening of Irish Nationalism both at home and abroad. Their speeches from the dock and the unquestionable idealism of the men, especially their rallying cry of “God Save Ireland” ensured that they would become iconic figures of the Nationalist struggle. The religious undertones of the sobriquet, Manchester Martyrs (all 3 were said to be devout Catholics who were denied a Christian burial) indicated the tacit acceptance by the Catholic Church, up to now no friend of the Fenians, of the injustice done to the men. All over Ireland (also in some other jurisdictions) masses and mock funerals were held (from then on most commemorations would involve some religious iconography – thus fusing the cause of Nationalism with religious freedom.) For 50 years the anniversary date of the execution of the Manchester Martyrs on 23rd of November would supplant the 17th of March as the crucial date in the Nationalist calendar, only losing its pre-eminence post-1916 when the executed leaders of the 1916 Rising would eventually take up that mantle. However, even in the post-1916 period the anniversary was still widely commemorated. In 1917 the anniversary provided an opportunity for returned internees from Frongoch and recent Irish Volunteer recruits to muster a public show of strength in defiance of the Defence of the Realm Act (DORA); then widely used as a method to suppress and use courts-martial against the re-organising threat from the Volunteers. One such bold public display of this new found confidence and defiance was held over one hundred years ago November 1917 – just adjacent to where our museum now stands. Kilmurry village witnessed a torchlight procession – a scene repeated throughout the country – by Volunteers in commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the Manchester Martyrs making its way through the village, ending at the graveyard on top of the village. The importance of the religious aspects of the commemorations and the many local connections would have a galvanising effect on the local Volunteers in the forthcoming revolutionary period. Liam Deasy – veteran of the War of Independence and Civil War – recollected in his book ”Towards Ireland Free” that in his childhood the tale of the Manchester Martyrs was constantly being told and retold at the fireside. He also emphasised the importance of the local connection with Allen himself and that of the Fenian Timothy Deasy (Colliers Quay) in whose escape Allen was instrumental. The importance of the commemoration date to Liam Deasy was such that to ”miss it would have been akin to missing Sunday Mass!” Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource William Philip Allen (April 1848 - 23 November 1867 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Reen Family, Bandon, Co. Cork Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 19th Century Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Type The nature or genre of the resource wood Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0227 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm 19th Century https://imkarchive.org/files/original/e4a9b4f108e58700334d005e68683ae2.jpg 2d82dc9760ef5cd81bbd85bcd3b98c51 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Postcard of Gen. Liam Lynch Memorial Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource Postcard of round tower monument memorial to Gen. Liam Lynch Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Denis D. Long Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Postcard Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0213 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Anti-Treaty IRA Civil War Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Irish War of Independence Liam Lynch Saorstát Éireann https://imkarchive.org/files/original/f96599c6e598de5b6f1399918a335fd6.JPG 1ad43cd5ef03ce83766a5263e2bbd0e6 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/84e0420638b05b5b453964535145fbaa.JPG 5a89e6e3b091c280d3507f0453f5126a https://imkarchive.org/files/original/f3adcdf99abc492a85d2ce47abb45e15.JPG 426245320927beb0ba08415e6709301d https://imkarchive.org/files/original/0779bc5221c20a0954354778f366a8d0.JPG 7617e97b2f05fe28a8070b952c06fa9f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Rev. Canon Patrick Tracy Hot Water Jar Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource Stoneware hot water jar - Rev. Canon Patrick Tracy - Kilmurry PP 1912-1935 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Mrs. Catherine Murphy / Mrs. P.G. Murphy Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Relation A related resource Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Earthenware Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0221 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Civil War Free State Army Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Michael Collins Saorstát Éireann https://imkarchive.org/files/original/0e29701d1caead7884683581513f5944.jpg e85fda19368588608c4fee7807aaedd2 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/2e07530bcf422c1d4b77da39baaff263.jpg 4f114efaf728fd779e595d1db698c2e8 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael Collins Photograph Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource Picture of the late General Michael Collins; consulting a map with a private soldier at Newcastlewest, Co. Limerick - General Collins was on his way to Cork on August 20th 1922; Two days before he was killed in Ambush at Béal na Bláth on August 22nd 1922 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Relation A related resource Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Photograph Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0222 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Civil War Free State Army Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Michael Collins Newcastle West Saorstát Éireann https://imkarchive.org/files/original/23cdb853f44c0dd448543102bba53184.JPG 581f49e5f0e4f154ad71590c4a18eba0 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/5bb68fefad6c54f7badce98136a6b2da.JPG 6199a6d3c7c5a8881c56ad8c62128565 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Amroured Car Metal Plating Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource Improvised Aroured Car metal plating. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Colm O’ Se Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Metal Armoury Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0359 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Civil War Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Saorstát Éireann https://imkarchive.org/files/original/26532d3d623a611f63374c86f6e4700a.JPG f0a1d8148e880b55cc348fe92fe86221 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/2edea0085fc234de7d7373d45f1a440c.JPG 7406e3f13dedeaa4e88087267f973aae Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Pair of Car Door Hinges Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource "This car was captured by Anti-Treaty Forces in 1922 and was being repaired in Kilbonane. They were surprised by a unit of the Free State Army; this car was burned on the road there. The two hinges were picked up and used for hanging an outhouse door until 1978." Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Jermiah Kelleher Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Metal Hinges Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0443 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Anti-Treaty IRA Civil War Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Saorstát Éireann https://imkarchive.org/files/original/dc8ef53c3ceec123cdfe65a93273cfbd.JPG bd26f68730fe16587ad2ded5947467ff https://imkarchive.org/files/original/fdac73b98add94a812d0f56eb1e3dd40.JPG 58977eac50afbf9ab617a80e01d44f14 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/bfd79d81fa8c96c185954dbf995c304d.JPG cd024f8fa641cb6cdf8100744e1c510b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Coffee Cups - Cork Victoria Hotel Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource Victoria Hotel Cork Coffee Cups x 3 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Delph Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0660 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Civil War Cork City Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Saorstát Éireann Victoria Hotel