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                  <text>Éirí Amach na Cásca&#13;
&#13;
After the split in the Volunteer organisation, the breakaway Irish Volunteers were now wholly under the control of the physical force proponents. However, the Executive leadership of the organisation, while not against the idea of confronting the British, were of the view that any confrontation that would take place would only be in the case of an attempt to impose conscription or any effort to suppress the organisation or seize their weapons. Chief-of-Staff Eoin MacNeill firmly believed that if any uprising were to occur without popular support, it would be doomed to failure.&#13;
While the leadership of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), the driving force behind the Irish Volunteers, largely shared this view, the IRB Military Council itself had been planning an armed insurrection against the British while they were preoccupied with the First World War. This Military Council would eventually comprise of all the future signatories of the Proclamation of the Irish Republic.&#13;
One of the later additions to the Military Council was James Connolly of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA) whose own inclination, independent of the Military Council, was to stage an armed rebellion.&#13;
&#13;
The genesis of the Easter Rising of 1916 is supposed to have begun at Patrick Pearse’s stirring graveyard oration at the funeral of renowned Fenian and Rosscarbery native Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa in August of 1915 in Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin. The mass mobilization surrounding the funeral was a deliberately overt demonstration of the strength and military precision of the Irish Volunteers.&#13;
When the actual Insurrection occurred on Easter Weekend 1916, the reality was somewhat different. A determination by the Military Council to keep the planning secret both from dissenting leadership of the Volunteers (indeed from some of the IRB also) and from possible informers, resulted in the regional command structure being unaware of the true nature of the planned mobilisation for that weekend. Chaos then ensued due to a countermanding order issued by MacNeill (a press notice was issued in that weekend’s newspaper!), once he became aware of the imminent insurrection.  Once this countermanding order from the Chief-of-Staff had been issued, the regional leadership had no choice but to fall in line despite counter-countermanding orders issued subsequently. One also has to appreciate the difficulty of communication given the constraints of time and distance, all under the ever watchful eyes of the police, the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC).&#13;
Another spanner in the works was the arrest of Sir Roger Casement and the interception of the Aud, which was to land at Tralee, carrying much needed guns and ammunition from the Germans.&#13;
In Dublin the intervention of MacNeill only succeeded in delaying the insurrection for one day because the command structure there was directly linked to the Military Council. &#13;
&#13;
“Boys, some of us may never come back!”&#13;
- Thomas MacDonagh&#13;
&#13;
The Rising began on Easter Monday with the mobilisation of the Irish Volunteers, Connolly’s ICA, Cumann na mBan and some other minor groupings. While they seized and occupied many key buildings, they set up headquarters in the heart of Dublin’s main thoroughfare, in the General Post Office (GPO). The reception from the local populace was at best indifferent and at worse insulting. This however soon turned to outright resentment due to the widespread destruction of the city by the consequent British bombardment. It appeared that the Rebels’ assertion that the British would not destroy the properties of one of the major cities of its Empire was unfounded; they were treating Dublin more like Berlin than Birmingham!&#13;
After 5 days and in the face of overwhelming superiority of forces and artillery, to save lives and property, the Rebels agreed to an unconditional surrender.&#13;
While plans may have envisaged a more widespread Rising and aspired to a more successful conclusion, there is no doubt that the leaders were under no illusions as to the likeliest outcome: their courts-martial and executions for treason under the wide-ranging wartime Defence of the Realm Act (DORA). Their main aim all the time was to provoke a reaction from the British and to raise the consciousness of those whom they believed were falsely placated by the promise of devolved regional government, while at the same time giving a glimpse of the paucity of autonomy that Home Rule would provide.&#13;
Given the strictures of wartime censorship and a mostly unsympathetic press it is difficult to gauge the amount of popular support there might have been for a revolution before the British lionised the leaders by executing them over an extended period of time and by their mass countrywide round-up and internment of Irish Volunteers.&#13;
In the 1918 General Election, Sinn Féin, their manifesto standing firmly by the same principles as envisaged by the Proclamation of the Provisional Government of Easter, 1916, gained a remarkable landslide victory. &#13;
“… order, counter-order, disorder”&#13;
- Terence MacSwiney&#13;
&#13;
In Cork, in his role as Brigade Commander of the Cork Volunteers, Tomás MacCurtain, had control of some thousand Volunteers; these were to be deployed in the transport and distribution of the imminent arms shipment due to arrive on the Aud. It is not clear exactly when MacCurtain was informed of the planned Rising for that weekend ( as an IRB member he most likely was taken into the confidence of the Military Council), but he was certainly well prepared for the very real possibility of an engagement with enemy forces when coming into possession of so many arms.&#13;
The planned role for Cork in the Rising would require that members of the Cork City Battalion would take the train (some made their way by bicycle) from Cork to Crookstown on Easter Sunday, rendezvous with the other Cork Battalions at Béal na Blath, and then proceed to Kilmurry where they were to be joined by some 20 men from the Kilmurry Company. In all some 400 men assembled in Kilmurry and then set off to Macroom from where they were to proceed onto Carriganimma to meet up with other Companies assembled there. MacCurtain was in the winless position of knowing that the shipment of arms had been intercepted but had decided to continue the mobilization through to Macroom, at least as an exercise and even more importantly to maintain discipline and morale.&#13;
It was only on his return to Cork City on Easter Monday  to stand down the Volunteers, having spent the previous twenty-four hours travelling County Cork with MacSwiney, that he was informed that an insurrection had indeed begun in Dublin. The Cork City Volunteers held the Volunteer Hall in Sheares Street for most of that week under threat of bombardment from the British Military forces unless all arms were surrendered. An accommodation was reached after intervention by the Bishop of Cork and Kilmichael Parish native, Daniel Cohalan and Lord Mayor of Cork, Councillor Thomas C. Butterfield; the arms would be deposited for safekeeping to the Lord Mayor and the men would be free to return to their homes. These terms were then breached by the British when they raided the Lord Mayor’s house and captured the arms and subsequently interned both MacCurtain and MacSwiney.&#13;
Later enquiries carried out by the Volunteers and the IRB found that MacCurtain and MacSwiney had conducted themselves appropriately given the circumstances on that confusing weekend. Exonerated or not, there was no little frustration experienced by them and their fellow Volunteers; given their sense of uselessness in the face of the much different experience and tragic outcome experienced by their Dublin colleagues.&#13;
They would have to bide their time to vent this frustration.  &#13;
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                  <text>An t’Athair Peadar O’Laoghaire&#13;
&#13;
Canon O’Leary, known nationally as An t’Athair Peadar O’Laoghaire, was parish priest of Castlelyons from 1891-1920. He was a prominent worker for the revival of the Irish Language and wrote many books in Irish. Before the Gaelic League was formed he was almost unknown but with encouragement from the League, especially from Seosamh Laoide whom he met in 1894 he began to write. The League gave great prominence to his work and backed him financially.&#13;
&#13;
His writings made a great contribution to the development of modern Irish Literature. One catalogue of his work lists almost 500 items to his credit. Nothing came from his pen before the age of 55 and he continued to write up to the time of his death at the age of 81. His advanced years may account for some errors in his autobiography.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Awards&#13;
&#13;
The priests work for the revival movement was recognised in his own lifetime. In 1906 he was made a Canon of the diocese of Cloyne. On 26th June 1911 he was given the freedom of Dublin. In September 1911 he was given the freedom of Cork. In 1919 he was given the degree L.L.D. by the National University of Ireland.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Promotion of Irish Language&#13;
&#13;
In Canon O’Leary’s time the last generation of Irish speakers was still alive. These Irish speakers were the senior age group in the parish. It was the Canon’s custom to speak Irish to any of those who showed an inclination to speak it. He is also known to have preached in Irish on a few infrequent occasions.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Death&#13;
&#13;
Canon O’Leary died on Sunday 21st March 1920 in the parochial house. He was buried in the Churchyard of St. Nicholas’s Church three days later after eleven o clock Mass. There was a large attendance of parishioners and clergy at the requiem among them Osborne Bergin and David Kent M.P.&#13;
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                <text>Apprentice Table made by the late William Philip Allen - Manchester Martyr 1867</text>
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                <text>A few short years before his young life was taken from him and he would be remembered forever as a Fenian martyr, William Philip Allen was apprenticed to a Master carpenter in Bandon, Co. Cork. During that time the young apprentice made a table that still exists today, over 150 years later!&#13;
Now a prominent and key item in our Independence Museum Kilmurry collection, the table has been a part of our archive for many years; from the time of our previous 50 year existence as The Terence McSwiney Memorial Museum. That the table is still in such a sound state today is a testament not only to the obvious craftsmanship of the young apprentice but more so to his enduring legacy as one of the Manchester Martyrs.&#13;
A Tipperary native his family transferred to Bandon when his father became a turnkey at the local Bridewell. Although raised in his father’s Protestant faith and educated at a Training School under that religion in Bandon, his Catholic mother saw to it that he also studied under the direction of her own faith. By all accounts a conspicuously intelligent and thoughtful student his particular strengths lay in the fields of algebra and drawing. Most likely under the influence of his mother and his extra-curricular Catholic teachers the young Allen would later on in his teens be received into the Catholic faith. A few years before this the young Allen came under the influence of Fenians in the town and eventually joined that organisation.&#13;
For reasons unclear, but most likely due to his increasing activity within the Fenian organisation, he did not complete his apprenticeship but ended up working later on in Manchester, England for one of the principal builders in that city; having gone there to stay with relations. Being an active and enthusiastic member of the Fenians there it is no great surprise that Allen was at the forefront of attempts to rescue his friend, Fenian Leader Colonel Thomas J. Kelly (“I’ll die for you before I deliver you up!”) and Cork Centre (unit leader) Timothy Deasy.&#13;
While it is undoubted that Allen was a key member of the successful rescue attempt that freed both Colonel Kelly and Captain Timothy Deasy, while being transferred to prison in Manchester, there is much doubt surrounding Allen’s role in the killing of Police Sergeant Charles Brett during that ambush. However Allen and his Fenian companions, Michael Larkin and Michael O’Brien, would be hanged for common murder even though the charge and indeed the trial itself were highly questionable.&#13;
From the British point of view, they had hoped that this would put to bed the so-called Fenian scare that was perceived as a threat to the Empire (let alone the North of England) and political stability.&#13;
The truth however was that this was a major boost to the Fenian cause which at that time was at something of an impasse in strategic terms and not being able to muster major support at home in Ireland. A point that was not lost at the time on no less an observer than Friedrich Engels, who wrote the following to Karl Marx:&#13;
“So yesterday morning the Tories….accomplished the final act of separation between England and Ireland. The only thing that the Fenians still lacked were martyrs….. Only the execution of the three has made the liberation of Kelly and Deasy the heroic deed which will now be sung to every Irish babe in the cradle in Ireland….”&#13;
The brutal injustice of the treatment of these men contrasted with the Fenian traits of stoicism, manliness and principled behaviour displayed by them- this led to an immediate awakening of Irish Nationalism both at home and abroad. Their speeches from the dock and the unquestionable idealism of the men, especially their rallying cry of “God Save Ireland” ensured that they would become iconic figures of the Nationalist struggle. The religious undertones of the sobriquet, Manchester Martyrs (all 3 were said to be devout Catholics who were denied a Christian burial) indicated the tacit acceptance by the Catholic Church, up to now no friend of the Fenians, of the injustice done to the men. All over Ireland (also in some other jurisdictions) masses and mock funerals were held (from then on most commemorations would involve some religious iconography – thus fusing the cause of Nationalism with religious freedom.)&#13;
For 50 years the anniversary date of the execution of the Manchester Martyrs on 23rd of November would supplant the 17th of March as the crucial date in the Nationalist calendar, only losing its pre-eminence post-1916 when the executed leaders of the 1916 Rising would eventually take up that mantle.&#13;
However, even in the post-1916 period the anniversary was still widely commemorated.  In 1917 the anniversary provided an opportunity for returned internees from Frongoch and recent Irish Volunteer recruits to muster a public show of strength in defiance of the Defence of the Realm Act (DORA); then widely used as a method to suppress and use courts-martial against the re-organising threat from the Volunteers. One such bold public display of this new found confidence and defiance was held over one hundred years ago November 1917 – just adjacent to where our museum now stands. Kilmurry village witnessed a torchlight procession – a scene repeated throughout the country – by Volunteers in commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the Manchester Martyrs making its way through the village, ending at the graveyard on top of the village.&#13;
The importance of the religious aspects of the commemorations and the many local connections would have a galvanising effect on the local Volunteers in the forthcoming revolutionary period.&#13;
Liam Deasy – veteran of the War of Independence and Civil War – recollected in his book ”Towards Ireland Free” that in his childhood the tale of the Manchester Martyrs was constantly being told and retold at the fireside. He also emphasised the importance of the local connection with Allen himself and that of the Fenian Timothy Deasy (Colliers Quay) in whose escape Allen was instrumental. The importance of the commemoration date to Liam Deasy was such that to ”miss it would have been akin to missing Sunday Mass!”&#13;
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&#13;
After the split in the Volunteer organisation, the breakaway Irish Volunteers were now wholly under the control of the physical force proponents. However, the Executive leadership of the organisation, while not against the idea of confronting the British, were of the view that any confrontation that would take place would only be in the case of an attempt to impose conscription or any effort to suppress the organisation or seize their weapons. Chief-of-Staff Eoin MacNeill firmly believed that if any uprising were to occur without popular support, it would be doomed to failure.&#13;
While the leadership of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), the driving force behind the Irish Volunteers, largely shared this view, the IRB Military Council itself had been planning an armed insurrection against the British while they were preoccupied with the First World War. This Military Council would eventually comprise of all the future signatories of the Proclamation of the Irish Republic.&#13;
One of the later additions to the Military Council was James Connolly of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA) whose own inclination, independent of the Military Council, was to stage an armed rebellion.&#13;
&#13;
The genesis of the Easter Rising of 1916 is supposed to have begun at Patrick Pearse’s stirring graveyard oration at the funeral of renowned Fenian and Rosscarbery native Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa in August of 1915 in Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin. The mass mobilization surrounding the funeral was a deliberately overt demonstration of the strength and military precision of the Irish Volunteers.&#13;
When the actual Insurrection occurred on Easter Weekend 1916, the reality was somewhat different. A determination by the Military Council to keep the planning secret both from dissenting leadership of the Volunteers (indeed from some of the IRB also) and from possible informers, resulted in the regional command structure being unaware of the true nature of the planned mobilisation for that weekend. Chaos then ensued due to a countermanding order issued by MacNeill (a press notice was issued in that weekend’s newspaper!), once he became aware of the imminent insurrection.  Once this countermanding order from the Chief-of-Staff had been issued, the regional leadership had no choice but to fall in line despite counter-countermanding orders issued subsequently. One also has to appreciate the difficulty of communication given the constraints of time and distance, all under the ever watchful eyes of the police, the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC).&#13;
Another spanner in the works was the arrest of Sir Roger Casement and the interception of the Aud, which was to land at Tralee, carrying much needed guns and ammunition from the Germans.&#13;
In Dublin the intervention of MacNeill only succeeded in delaying the insurrection for one day because the command structure there was directly linked to the Military Council. &#13;
&#13;
“Boys, some of us may never come back!”&#13;
- Thomas MacDonagh&#13;
&#13;
The Rising began on Easter Monday with the mobilisation of the Irish Volunteers, Connolly’s ICA, Cumann na mBan and some other minor groupings. While they seized and occupied many key buildings, they set up headquarters in the heart of Dublin’s main thoroughfare, in the General Post Office (GPO). The reception from the local populace was at best indifferent and at worse insulting. This however soon turned to outright resentment due to the widespread destruction of the city by the consequent British bombardment. It appeared that the Rebels’ assertion that the British would not destroy the properties of one of the major cities of its Empire was unfounded; they were treating Dublin more like Berlin than Birmingham!&#13;
After 5 days and in the face of overwhelming superiority of forces and artillery, to save lives and property, the Rebels agreed to an unconditional surrender.&#13;
While plans may have envisaged a more widespread Rising and aspired to a more successful conclusion, there is no doubt that the leaders were under no illusions as to the likeliest outcome: their courts-martial and executions for treason under the wide-ranging wartime Defence of the Realm Act (DORA). Their main aim all the time was to provoke a reaction from the British and to raise the consciousness of those whom they believed were falsely placated by the promise of devolved regional government, while at the same time giving a glimpse of the paucity of autonomy that Home Rule would provide.&#13;
Given the strictures of wartime censorship and a mostly unsympathetic press it is difficult to gauge the amount of popular support there might have been for a revolution before the British lionised the leaders by executing them over an extended period of time and by their mass countrywide round-up and internment of Irish Volunteers.&#13;
In the 1918 General Election, Sinn Féin, their manifesto standing firmly by the same principles as envisaged by the Proclamation of the Provisional Government of Easter, 1916, gained a remarkable landslide victory. &#13;
“… order, counter-order, disorder”&#13;
- Terence MacSwiney&#13;
&#13;
In Cork, in his role as Brigade Commander of the Cork Volunteers, Tomás MacCurtain, had control of some thousand Volunteers; these were to be deployed in the transport and distribution of the imminent arms shipment due to arrive on the Aud. It is not clear exactly when MacCurtain was informed of the planned Rising for that weekend ( as an IRB member he most likely was taken into the confidence of the Military Council), but he was certainly well prepared for the very real possibility of an engagement with enemy forces when coming into possession of so many arms.&#13;
The planned role for Cork in the Rising would require that members of the Cork City Battalion would take the train (some made their way by bicycle) from Cork to Crookstown on Easter Sunday, rendezvous with the other Cork Battalions at Béal na Blath, and then proceed to Kilmurry where they were to be joined by some 20 men from the Kilmurry Company. In all some 400 men assembled in Kilmurry and then set off to Macroom from where they were to proceed onto Carriganimma to meet up with other Companies assembled there. MacCurtain was in the winless position of knowing that the shipment of arms had been intercepted but had decided to continue the mobilization through to Macroom, at least as an exercise and even more importantly to maintain discipline and morale.&#13;
It was only on his return to Cork City on Easter Monday  to stand down the Volunteers, having spent the previous twenty-four hours travelling County Cork with MacSwiney, that he was informed that an insurrection had indeed begun in Dublin. The Cork City Volunteers held the Volunteer Hall in Sheares Street for most of that week under threat of bombardment from the British Military forces unless all arms were surrendered. An accommodation was reached after intervention by the Bishop of Cork and Kilmichael Parish native, Daniel Cohalan and Lord Mayor of Cork, Councillor Thomas C. Butterfield; the arms would be deposited for safekeeping to the Lord Mayor and the men would be free to return to their homes. These terms were then breached by the British when they raided the Lord Mayor’s house and captured the arms and subsequently interned both MacCurtain and MacSwiney.&#13;
Later enquiries carried out by the Volunteers and the IRB found that MacCurtain and MacSwiney had conducted themselves appropriately given the circumstances on that confusing weekend. Exonerated or not, there was no little frustration experienced by them and their fellow Volunteers; given their sense of uselessness in the face of the much different experience and tragic outcome experienced by their Dublin colleagues.&#13;
They would have to bide their time to vent this frustration.  &#13;
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&#13;
After the split in the Volunteer organisation, the breakaway Irish Volunteers were now wholly under the control of the physical force proponents. However, the Executive leadership of the organisation, while not against the idea of confronting the British, were of the view that any confrontation that would take place would only be in the case of an attempt to impose conscription or any effort to suppress the organisation or seize their weapons. Chief-of-Staff Eoin MacNeill firmly believed that if any uprising were to occur without popular support, it would be doomed to failure.&#13;
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One of the later additions to the Military Council was James Connolly of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA) whose own inclination, independent of the Military Council, was to stage an armed rebellion.&#13;
&#13;
The genesis of the Easter Rising of 1916 is supposed to have begun at Patrick Pearse’s stirring graveyard oration at the funeral of renowned Fenian and Rosscarbery native Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa in August of 1915 in Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin. The mass mobilization surrounding the funeral was a deliberately overt demonstration of the strength and military precision of the Irish Volunteers.&#13;
When the actual Insurrection occurred on Easter Weekend 1916, the reality was somewhat different. A determination by the Military Council to keep the planning secret both from dissenting leadership of the Volunteers (indeed from some of the IRB also) and from possible informers, resulted in the regional command structure being unaware of the true nature of the planned mobilisation for that weekend. Chaos then ensued due to a countermanding order issued by MacNeill (a press notice was issued in that weekend’s newspaper!), once he became aware of the imminent insurrection.  Once this countermanding order from the Chief-of-Staff had been issued, the regional leadership had no choice but to fall in line despite counter-countermanding orders issued subsequently. One also has to appreciate the difficulty of communication given the constraints of time and distance, all under the ever watchful eyes of the police, the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC).&#13;
Another spanner in the works was the arrest of Sir Roger Casement and the interception of the Aud, which was to land at Tralee, carrying much needed guns and ammunition from the Germans.&#13;
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&#13;
“Boys, some of us may never come back!”&#13;
- Thomas MacDonagh&#13;
&#13;
The Rising began on Easter Monday with the mobilisation of the Irish Volunteers, Connolly’s ICA, Cumann na mBan and some other minor groupings. While they seized and occupied many key buildings, they set up headquarters in the heart of Dublin’s main thoroughfare, in the General Post Office (GPO). The reception from the local populace was at best indifferent and at worse insulting. This however soon turned to outright resentment due to the widespread destruction of the city by the consequent British bombardment. It appeared that the Rebels’ assertion that the British would not destroy the properties of one of the major cities of its Empire was unfounded; they were treating Dublin more like Berlin than Birmingham!&#13;
After 5 days and in the face of overwhelming superiority of forces and artillery, to save lives and property, the Rebels agreed to an unconditional surrender.&#13;
While plans may have envisaged a more widespread Rising and aspired to a more successful conclusion, there is no doubt that the leaders were under no illusions as to the likeliest outcome: their courts-martial and executions for treason under the wide-ranging wartime Defence of the Realm Act (DORA). Their main aim all the time was to provoke a reaction from the British and to raise the consciousness of those whom they believed were falsely placated by the promise of devolved regional government, while at the same time giving a glimpse of the paucity of autonomy that Home Rule would provide.&#13;
Given the strictures of wartime censorship and a mostly unsympathetic press it is difficult to gauge the amount of popular support there might have been for a revolution before the British lionised the leaders by executing them over an extended period of time and by their mass countrywide round-up and internment of Irish Volunteers.&#13;
In the 1918 General Election, Sinn Féin, their manifesto standing firmly by the same principles as envisaged by the Proclamation of the Provisional Government of Easter, 1916, gained a remarkable landslide victory. &#13;
“… order, counter-order, disorder”&#13;
- Terence MacSwiney&#13;
&#13;
In Cork, in his role as Brigade Commander of the Cork Volunteers, Tomás MacCurtain, had control of some thousand Volunteers; these were to be deployed in the transport and distribution of the imminent arms shipment due to arrive on the Aud. It is not clear exactly when MacCurtain was informed of the planned Rising for that weekend ( as an IRB member he most likely was taken into the confidence of the Military Council), but he was certainly well prepared for the very real possibility of an engagement with enemy forces when coming into possession of so many arms.&#13;
The planned role for Cork in the Rising would require that members of the Cork City Battalion would take the train (some made their way by bicycle) from Cork to Crookstown on Easter Sunday, rendezvous with the other Cork Battalions at Béal na Blath, and then proceed to Kilmurry where they were to be joined by some 20 men from the Kilmurry Company. In all some 400 men assembled in Kilmurry and then set off to Macroom from where they were to proceed onto Carriganimma to meet up with other Companies assembled there. MacCurtain was in the winless position of knowing that the shipment of arms had been intercepted but had decided to continue the mobilization through to Macroom, at least as an exercise and even more importantly to maintain discipline and morale.&#13;
It was only on his return to Cork City on Easter Monday  to stand down the Volunteers, having spent the previous twenty-four hours travelling County Cork with MacSwiney, that he was informed that an insurrection had indeed begun in Dublin. The Cork City Volunteers held the Volunteer Hall in Sheares Street for most of that week under threat of bombardment from the British Military forces unless all arms were surrendered. An accommodation was reached after intervention by the Bishop of Cork and Kilmichael Parish native, Daniel Cohalan and Lord Mayor of Cork, Councillor Thomas C. Butterfield; the arms would be deposited for safekeeping to the Lord Mayor and the men would be free to return to their homes. These terms were then breached by the British when they raided the Lord Mayor’s house and captured the arms and subsequently interned both MacCurtain and MacSwiney.&#13;
Later enquiries carried out by the Volunteers and the IRB found that MacCurtain and MacSwiney had conducted themselves appropriately given the circumstances on that confusing weekend. Exonerated or not, there was no little frustration experienced by them and their fellow Volunteers; given their sense of uselessness in the face of the much different experience and tragic outcome experienced by their Dublin colleagues.&#13;
They would have to bide their time to vent this frustration.  &#13;
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Cogadh na Saoirse&#13;
&#13;
In the immediate aftermath of the Rising it seemed that a calm had settled on Ireland; the command structure of the Volunteers had been depleted and a countrywide round-up of dissenters had been exiled to internment in the United Kingdom. &#13;
However a simmering resentment remained among the people due to the execution of the rebel leaders, internment of the surviving Volunteers and the continued recruitment drive for manpower for the War effort; allied with the carrot and stick approach tactics of the British linking the implementation of Home Rule to conscription.&#13;
The rejuvenated Volunteers and its leaders, once released from internment (Frongoch Internment Camp in Wales was known as the “University of Revolution “) had begun to re-organize and rally around the issue of recruitment. The funeral in 1917 of 1916 leader Thomas Ashe (who died on hunger strike while being force fed) had many echoes of the pre-Rising funeral of O’ Donovan Rossa; the impressive organisation of the Volunteers on the day of Ashe’s funeral, and even the choice of a relatively unknown funeral orator, Michael Collins; who would go on to play as dominant a role in the forthcoming conflict, as Patrick Pearse had done in the previous one.&#13;
Other important indicators of the subtle return of confidence to the separatist ranks were the ceding, by Arthur Griffith of the Presidency of Sinn Fein in favour of Eamon De Valera and the subsequent election of De Valera as President of the Volunteers; increasingly referred to as the Irish Republican Army (IRA).&#13;
Sinn Fein now had the confidence of an army underlying it. The IRA, after the Sinn Fein landslide victory in the general election of 1918, now enjoyed the legitimacy of a democratic majority. Having stood on a policy platform of abstaining  from the Westminster Parliament - regarding it as a foreign parliament, the newly elected Sinn Fein members ( those that were not still imprisoned or on the run) convened on 21st of January , 1918 to form the new independent assembly, Dáil Éireann.&#13;
On the same day in Soloheadbeg, County Tipperary, two RIC policemen were killed by men from the South Tipperary Brigade of the IRA, in an attempt to gain much needed  arms.  This is regarded as the first significant encounter of the Anglo-Irish War. &#13;
Apart from purloining arms, another key tactic of the IRA was instigating a boycott, among locals, of the police. This intimidation inevitably led to a mass of retirements and reduction in the force and ultimately abandoning many of the more isolated rural barracks; leading to a breakdown in civil authority and a further legitimacy to Sinn Fein as the only local enforcement of civil order.&#13;
The British authorities were prepared to leave the conflict at a ‘law and order’ level as a war would effectively recognise the authority of the new government. The preferred method of engaging with the insurgents was by way of ‘unofficial’ reprisals and harassment but these practices usually only elicited more resentment from the general populace. &#13;
&#13;
It was only when an orchestrated attack on three RIC barracks in the Cork area commanded by The Cork No.1 Brigade, that acknowledgment was made at British Government level that “…acts of war…” had been committed. One of these concurrent attacks was an unsuccessful one on the RIC Barracks at Kilmurry by a force of about 60 Macroom Company men with some men from the Kilmurry Company acting as scouts and look-outs.&#13;
Eventually the British acknowledged the escalation of hostilities by recruiting support for the understrength RIC.  This arrived in the form of temporary cadets – Black and Tans – named after their ad-hoc uniforms which were a mix of RIC and British Army due to supply shortages; figuratively betraying also the dual nature of their role. There were further reinforcements from experienced former British Officers in the guise of a paramilitary force, the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), more commonly known as Auxiliaries or Auxies.  A further bolster to the Crown Forces was the introduction of the draconian Restoration of Order in Ireland Act 1920 and later on the selective introduction of martial law.&#13;
The IRA in Cork responded to the escalation of hostilities with their own mobile paramilitary units – The Flying Column – which gained some notable military victories over the more experienced and numerically superior Crown Forces.&#13;
In Dublin Michael Collins as Director of Intelligence for the Irish Republican Army  (among his many roles) had a notable coup whereby the IRA essentially emasculated British Intelligence operations in Dublin by locating and killing eleven members of the crack undercover team known as the ‘Cairo Gang’. In retaliation the Crown Forces opened fire on a Gaelic football match in Croke Park; fourteen civilians died in the attack. Later on the British murdered three IRA prisoners it was holding in Dublin Castle. The day was dubbed as ‘Bloody Sunday’ and was considered a major propaganda and strategic victory for the IRA.&#13;
The same year saw another major military and morale boosting victory for the IRA when in Cork an ambush of Auxiliaries in Kilmichael by the West Cork Flying Column resulted in 17 British casualties for the loss of three Volunteers. In response the British imposed martial law in most of Munster, including County Cork. In Cork City they also imposed a curfew and on the night of 11–12 December 1920 they burnt and looted the city as a reprisal for an engagement earlier on that evening and the   Kilmichael Ambush, two weeks earlier.&#13;
While the next few months saw even more tit-for-tat casualties it seemed clear that both sides were fighting a battle neither side could hope to win. Eventually a truce was agreed on 21st of July 1921. &#13;
&#13;
Since Munster, Cork in particular, saw a majority of the action outside of Dublin in the War of Independence it is no surprise that Kilmurry and its neighbouring parishes were witness to some of the key activities and engagements of the conflict; given its proximity to British garrisons at Cork, Ballincollig, Macroom and Bandon, and the consequent troop movement between them. This concentration of enemy forces attracted IRA attention to the area facilitated by a network of safe houses and loyal following.&#13;
&#13;
One such safe-house was in the neighbouring Parish of Kilmichael, Joe O’ Sullivan’s house at Gurranereigh. While Kilmurry was in the 1st Cork Brigade area it was adjacent to the 3rd Cork Brigade, to whose men it was considered a safe and convenient haven. It was to this house that Tom Barry and his men of the 1st Cork Brigade retired to billets after the Crossbarry Ambush on 19th of March 1921. Indeed the area was so often used by the men of the West Cork Flying Column that Sean O’ Hegarty, Officer Commanding of the Ist Cork Brigade once enquired of Tom Barry if “… (they) had any food or houses in West Cork”.&#13;
Another member of the West Cork Flying Column and a veteran of the Crossbarry and Kilmichael Ambushes was Liam Deasy who in his memoir of the Anglo-Irish War ‘Towards Ireland Free’ fondly remembers the welcome they always received, not only from the Kilmurry/Crookstown Company Officers but also the people of the area.&#13;
On the morning of Sunday, 22nd of August 1920, the area itself was witness to an ambush of Crown Forces at Lissarda.&#13;
Local Volunteer William Powell of the Kilmurry Company (later Crookstown Company) observed a convoy of RIC and Tans on the way from Cork to Macroom earlier that morning and knowing they would at some stage return to Cork, set about staging an ambush on their route through Lissarda.&#13;
It was only about 2:30pm when the convoy arrived at Lissarda but even at this stage all the ambush party had not yet arrived in their positions; there had been 12:30pm Mass to attend,  guns to be collected, most likely farm work and probably some dinner. During the engagement one Volunteer was killed. The local man was Michael Galvin who was secretly buried in the Kilmurry Churchyard (any overt ceremony would have incurred reprisals for the family), before later being interred, when it was safe to do so, in St. Mary’s Graveyard, Kilmurry.&#13;
&#13;
One of the last actions of the war just a few weeks before the truce, saw the torching of the big house at Warrenscourt. Even at this late stage of the war there was evidence that the British were intent on stationing troops there to suppress IRA activity in the area. This showed the belief of both sides that even with a truce in sight they would be more than ready to continue the fight.&#13;
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Cogadh na Saoirse&#13;
&#13;
In the immediate aftermath of the Rising it seemed that a calm had settled on Ireland; the command structure of the Volunteers had been depleted and a countrywide round-up of dissenters had been exiled to internment in the United Kingdom. &#13;
However a simmering resentment remained among the people due to the execution of the rebel leaders, internment of the surviving Volunteers and the continued recruitment drive for manpower for the War effort; allied with the carrot and stick approach tactics of the British linking the implementation of Home Rule to conscription.&#13;
The rejuvenated Volunteers and its leaders, once released from internment (Frongoch Internment Camp in Wales was known as the “University of Revolution “) had begun to re-organize and rally around the issue of recruitment. The funeral in 1917 of 1916 leader Thomas Ashe (who died on hunger strike while being force fed) had many echoes of the pre-Rising funeral of O’ Donovan Rossa; the impressive organisation of the Volunteers on the day of Ashe’s funeral, and even the choice of a relatively unknown funeral orator, Michael Collins; who would go on to play as dominant a role in the forthcoming conflict, as Patrick Pearse had done in the previous one.&#13;
Other important indicators of the subtle return of confidence to the separatist ranks were the ceding, by Arthur Griffith of the Presidency of Sinn Fein in favour of Eamon De Valera and the subsequent election of De Valera as President of the Volunteers; increasingly referred to as the Irish Republican Army (IRA).&#13;
Sinn Fein now had the confidence of an army underlying it. The IRA, after the Sinn Fein landslide victory in the general election of 1918, now enjoyed the legitimacy of a democratic majority. Having stood on a policy platform of abstaining  from the Westminster Parliament - regarding it as a foreign parliament, the newly elected Sinn Fein members ( those that were not still imprisoned or on the run) convened on 21st of January , 1918 to form the new independent assembly, Dáil Éireann.&#13;
On the same day in Soloheadbeg, County Tipperary, two RIC policemen were killed by men from the South Tipperary Brigade of the IRA, in an attempt to gain much needed  arms.  This is regarded as the first significant encounter of the Anglo-Irish War. &#13;
Apart from purloining arms, another key tactic of the IRA was instigating a boycott, among locals, of the police. This intimidation inevitably led to a mass of retirements and reduction in the force and ultimately abandoning many of the more isolated rural barracks; leading to a breakdown in civil authority and a further legitimacy to Sinn Fein as the only local enforcement of civil order.&#13;
The British authorities were prepared to leave the conflict at a ‘law and order’ level as a war would effectively recognise the authority of the new government. The preferred method of engaging with the insurgents was by way of ‘unofficial’ reprisals and harassment but these practices usually only elicited more resentment from the general populace. &#13;
&#13;
It was only when an orchestrated attack on three RIC barracks in the Cork area commanded by The Cork No.1 Brigade, that acknowledgment was made at British Government level that “…acts of war…” had been committed. One of these concurrent attacks was an unsuccessful one on the RIC Barracks at Kilmurry by a force of about 60 Macroom Company men with some men from the Kilmurry Company acting as scouts and look-outs.&#13;
Eventually the British acknowledged the escalation of hostilities by recruiting support for the understrength RIC.  This arrived in the form of temporary cadets – Black and Tans – named after their ad-hoc uniforms which were a mix of RIC and British Army due to supply shortages; figuratively betraying also the dual nature of their role. There were further reinforcements from experienced former British Officers in the guise of a paramilitary force, the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), more commonly known as Auxiliaries or Auxies.  A further bolster to the Crown Forces was the introduction of the draconian Restoration of Order in Ireland Act 1920 and later on the selective introduction of martial law.&#13;
The IRA in Cork responded to the escalation of hostilities with their own mobile paramilitary units – The Flying Column – which gained some notable military victories over the more experienced and numerically superior Crown Forces.&#13;
In Dublin Michael Collins as Director of Intelligence for the Irish Republican Army  (among his many roles) had a notable coup whereby the IRA essentially emasculated British Intelligence operations in Dublin by locating and killing eleven members of the crack undercover team known as the ‘Cairo Gang’. In retaliation the Crown Forces opened fire on a Gaelic football match in Croke Park; fourteen civilians died in the attack. Later on the British murdered three IRA prisoners it was holding in Dublin Castle. The day was dubbed as ‘Bloody Sunday’ and was considered a major propaganda and strategic victory for the IRA.&#13;
The same year saw another major military and morale boosting victory for the IRA when in Cork an ambush of Auxiliaries in Kilmichael by the West Cork Flying Column resulted in 17 British casualties for the loss of three Volunteers. In response the British imposed martial law in most of Munster, including County Cork. In Cork City they also imposed a curfew and on the night of 11–12 December 1920 they burnt and looted the city as a reprisal for an engagement earlier on that evening and the   Kilmichael Ambush, two weeks earlier.&#13;
While the next few months saw even more tit-for-tat casualties it seemed clear that both sides were fighting a battle neither side could hope to win. Eventually a truce was agreed on 21st of July 1921. &#13;
&#13;
Since Munster, Cork in particular, saw a majority of the action outside of Dublin in the War of Independence it is no surprise that Kilmurry and its neighbouring parishes were witness to some of the key activities and engagements of the conflict; given its proximity to British garrisons at Cork, Ballincollig, Macroom and Bandon, and the consequent troop movement between them. This concentration of enemy forces attracted IRA attention to the area facilitated by a network of safe houses and loyal following.&#13;
&#13;
One such safe-house was in the neighbouring Parish of Kilmichael, Joe O’ Sullivan’s house at Gurranereigh. While Kilmurry was in the 1st Cork Brigade area it was adjacent to the 3rd Cork Brigade, to whose men it was considered a safe and convenient haven. It was to this house that Tom Barry and his men of the 1st Cork Brigade retired to billets after the Crossbarry Ambush on 19th of March 1921. Indeed the area was so often used by the men of the West Cork Flying Column that Sean O’ Hegarty, Officer Commanding of the Ist Cork Brigade once enquired of Tom Barry if “… (they) had any food or houses in West Cork”.&#13;
Another member of the West Cork Flying Column and a veteran of the Crossbarry and Kilmichael Ambushes was Liam Deasy who in his memoir of the Anglo-Irish War ‘Towards Ireland Free’ fondly remembers the welcome they always received, not only from the Kilmurry/Crookstown Company Officers but also the people of the area.&#13;
On the morning of Sunday, 22nd of August 1920, the area itself was witness to an ambush of Crown Forces at Lissarda.&#13;
Local Volunteer William Powell of the Kilmurry Company (later Crookstown Company) observed a convoy of RIC and Tans on the way from Cork to Macroom earlier that morning and knowing they would at some stage return to Cork, set about staging an ambush on their route through Lissarda.&#13;
It was only about 2:30pm when the convoy arrived at Lissarda but even at this stage all the ambush party had not yet arrived in their positions; there had been 12:30pm Mass to attend,  guns to be collected, most likely farm work and probably some dinner. During the engagement one Volunteer was killed. The local man was Michael Galvin who was secretly buried in the Kilmurry Churchyard (any overt ceremony would have incurred reprisals for the family), before later being interred, when it was safe to do so, in St. Mary’s Graveyard, Kilmurry.&#13;
&#13;
One of the last actions of the war just a few weeks before the truce, saw the torching of the big house at Warrenscourt. Even at this late stage of the war there was evidence that the British were intent on stationing troops there to suppress IRA activity in the area. This showed the belief of both sides that even with a truce in sight they would be more than ready to continue the fight.&#13;
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                  <text> Terence Mac Swiney. &#13;
&#13;
(Born 28.3.1879 – Died 25.10.1920).&#13;
 “... it is not they who can inflict most but they who can suffer most will  prevail...”. Words spoken by Terence MacSwiney on his election as Lord Mayor of Cork in 1920.&#13;
1835	Terence Mac Swiney’s  father John “born in a farmhouse  near Crookstown,  Co. Cork in the year 1835”   - an area where Mac Swiney’s have lived since before the  sixteenth century.&#13;
 1879	Terence, the fourth of eight children, is born in Cork to John Mac Swiney and Mary Wilkinson.&#13;
1895   	Aged 16 Terence had to leave the Christian Brothers School at North Monastery to help support the family following the death of his father John in Australia. Terence worked for the next 17 years at Dwyer and Company on Washington Street where he trained as an accountant.&#13;
1899	Terence enrolled at Royal College where he studied for a degree in Philosophy – continuing to work by day and study by night. &#13;
1901	Helped found the Celtic Literary Society-along with Tomas Mac Curtain, Daniel Corkery,  Sean O’Hegarty and Liam de Roiste.&#13;
1902 	Wrote a letter on behalf of the Cork Literary Society protesting at the Royal Visit of King Edward to the Cork Exhibition of 1902.&#13;
1903.   	Elected Chairman of Cork Literary Society.&#13;
1904	His mother dies –by all accounts a heroic woman to whom Terence was deeply attached. She is said to have fostered in her children a love for literature and learning.    She faced life’s difficulties with a simple conviction that “God knows best”.&#13;
1905	The Fenian O’Donovan Rossa  visited Cork from the United States.   Terence’s sister Annie at the time recounts   “Behind the carriage came a small group of those who had gone to welcome him home, and amongst them was Terry.  His face was uplifted and shining.   I had been thinking what a wretched crowd it was, how cold and indifferent the streets, until this glance at Terry startled me, and the street, the people, the moving tram on which I sat, all faded.   I carried that look with me and wondered what he saw”.&#13;
Terence Mac Swiney believed in preparing himself for his future role.   He believed that Ireland’s  “separation - complete independence from Great Britain- was the only way of safety for a small nation- it must not be drawn into the wars and quarrels of its great neighbours”.&#13;
1906	His sister Mary (the eldest in the family and eight years older) returns to Cork to from Farnborough where she had been teaching.&#13;
1907	Terence graduates from the Royal University (now University College Cork) and published his first book The Music of Freedom.&#13;
1908	Along with Daniel Corkery he was a founding member of the Cork Dramatic Society – primarily made up of members of the Gaelic League.  Terence continued to work on his four Act play The Revolutionist&#13;
1911	Appointed a Commercial Teacher by Cork County Council with responsibility for organising classes in towns throughout County Cork. &#13;
1913. 	Along with Tomas Mac Curtain and Sean O’Hegarty, Terence Mac Swiney founded the Cork branch of the Irish Volunteers.   “He threw himself into the work of the movement with a controlled, yet burning passion that overcame all difficulties and everywhere drew men round him”.   Dermot Mc Curtain was Commanding Officer of the Cork Brigade with Terence Mac Swiney second in command.&#13;
1914  	Terence founded a newspaper in Cork named Fianna Fail –used as an outlet for his political writings.   To raise much needed funds he sold his much loved books,  against his sisters wishes,  for £20 saying   “a bed to lie on and enough food to keep life in us, to enable us to work is all any of us should think of having now”- the newspaper was suppressed after 11 issues.&#13;
1915	August 1915. Terence Mac Swiney appointed full-time organiser of the Volunteers for County Cork.  Mainly cycling, throughout Co. Cork helping form branches of the Irish Volunteers.  T.J. Murphy of Lissarda, Crookstown, Co Cork writes “the example of the hard life of Terence Mac Swiney... carried us on ... (He came) amongst us in frost and snow, drilling us, getting us ready for the day... devoting hours in a bleak country-side on many a winter’s evening, and rushing off on a push-bike, perhaps at 10.00 o’clock, to meet another Company”.&#13;
Attended Irish language Summer course in Ballingeary to improve his Irish and visit an area he loved.&#13;
1916 	Easter Week.  The ship the “Aud” fails to land German guns and ammunition in Co. Kerry - to be used in the Rising.   Roger Casement is arrested – the Aud scuttled with its munitions when under escort in Cork harbour.   No armed rising takes place in Cork following countermand of orders issued by Gen.  Eoin Mac Neill Volunteer HQ Dublin.   Mac Swiney later quoted bitterly “Order, counter-order, disorder”   – a lesson perhaps learned for the future.&#13;
	On Easter Sunday 1916, hundreds of Cork City and other Irish Volunteers marched past the museum  building in Kilmurry that was once home to ancestors of their vice-commandant and later Cork’s Lord Mayor, Terence MacSwiney.&#13;
	Terence Mac Swiney arrested and imprisoned at Frongach,  North Wales and later moved  to Reading jail in England and later released.&#13;
1917 	In February he is re-arrested and interred at Bromyard in England where Terence MacSwiney marries Muriel Murphy - of the Murphy brewing family in Cork -whom he had known since 1915.    At their wedding Terence Mac Swiney wore an officer uniform of the Irish Volunteers which one of the bridesmaids, Geraldine Neeson, had helped smuggle over from Cork.&#13;
1918 	In June their only child, a daughter, Maire Og, is born in Cork.   (In 1945 Maire Og married Ruairi Brugha , son of Cathal Brugha a 1916 volunteer and first Ceann Comhairle ( Chairman) of Dail Eareann).&#13;
Terence Mac Swiney, as a Volunteer leader, was by now under close surveillance by both police and military and was arrested a number of times.  He rarely spent the night at his own home but at carefully selected houses all over Cork&#13;
  	 In Ireland there was a complete swing in the mood of the people towards the idea of a Republic.  &#13;
Terence Mac Swiney is elected to Dail Eireann ( Irish Parliament)  –as a Sinn Fein candidate for Mid –Cork constituency.   &#13;
1919	The first Dail Eireann was held in the Mansion House Dublin in January- when it adopted a Constitution and approved the declaration of independence as signed by the 1916 leaders –setting up a separate Irish Parliament, Government and Republic.  Terence Mac Swiney strongly advocates that Gaelic Irish should be the spoken language of the Irish people and he endeavoured to have motions conducted through Irish.  &#13;
1920	March 19th. Tomas Mac Curtain, Lord Mayor of Cork, is shot at his home.   The coroner’s   verdict is the Lord Mayor “was wilfully murdered, under circumstances of most callous brutality;  that the murder was organised and carried out by the Royal Irish Constabulary -officially directed by the British Government”&#13;
	Terence Mac Swiney was appointed Lord Mayor of Cork- unopposed.   “.... I am more of a soldier stepping into the breach than as an administrator to fill the post in the Municipality.....by showing ourselves un-terrified -cool and inflexible for the fulfilment of our chief purpose – the establishment of the independence and integrity of our country, the peace and happiness of the Irish Republic”.&#13;
	He enjoyed music in all its forms and at this time took an active part in the reorganisation of the Cork Municipal School of Music.&#13;
	March 1920 saw the arrival in Ireland of the “Black and Tans” and Auxilaries – with increasing use of force by the British military – resignations from the R.I.C. became frequent.&#13;
August 12th.   Terence Mac Swiney, Lord Mayor, arrested at Cork City Hall –charged with being in possession of seditious documents. On arrest he commenced his fast saying  “ I shall be free alive or dead within a month”.   He is sentenced to 2 years in Brixton prison, England arriving there on August 18th.&#13;
His fast would gain world-wide attention and bring focus on Ireland and its quest for Independence.&#13;
&#13;
30th September .  He wrote to Cathal Brugha   “... ah Cathal , the pain of Easter Week is probably dead at last.... God bless you again and again and God give you and yours long years of happiness under the victorious Republic”.&#13;
As his health deteriorated usually present were his wife Muriel, his sisters Annie and Mary, his brother Sean his Chaplain Fr. Dominic O.F.M Capuchin –to share bedside vigils.  Dr Coholan, Bishop of Cork also visited as well as Bishop Mannix of Melbourne among others.&#13;
25th October Terence Mac Swiney dies, age 41, following his 74 day fast. &#13;
His body is removed to Southwark Cathedral where over thirty thousand people visit to pay their respects.&#13;
His body is returned by mail-boat direct to Cork under military escort to avoid possible  demonstrations in Dublin.   Following Mass at the North Cathedral and funeral attended by huge crowds in Cork City Terence MacSwiney is buried in the Republican plot at St. Finbarr’s Cemetery, Cork  - alongside his comrade Tomas Mac Curtain&#13;
&#13;
Notes;&#13;
Note, Sean O’Hegarty referred to (at 1901 and 1913) is buried in the old graveyard in Kilmurry.&#13;
Daniel Corkerry  writing to Mary Mac Swiney a few days after Terence MacSwiney’s  death  “ ...I know how much he loved Mid-cork, every hill of it, and its fine people, and know quite well that certain of its features would recur to his memory with terrible intensity”.&#13;
Bishop Coholan in a letter to the Cork Examiner Newspaper wrote “ Periodically, the memory of the martyr’s death will remind a young generation of the fundamental question of the freedom of Ireland”.&#13;
Petit Journal , Paris said “The death of the Lord Mayor of Cork has interested the whole of humanity in the cause of Irish Independence.&#13;
Prof. Liam O’Brien then in Paris says “that Europe was ringing with MacSwiney’s name”.&#13;
Corriere d’Italia “ his wish has been to sacrifice his life for (his country) in testimony to his faith – and the same sacrifice may well be the equivalent for England as a crushing defeat”.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Terence Mac Swiney writings.&#13;
•	The Music of Freedom by 'Cuireadóir'. (Poems, The Risen Gaedheal Press, Cork 1907)&#13;
•	Fianna Fáil : the Irish army : a journal for militant Ireland weekly publication edited and mainly written by MacSwiney; Cork, 11 issues, (September to December 1914)&#13;
•	The Revolutionist; a play in five acts (Dublin, London: Maunsel and Company, 1914). Internet Archive.&#13;
•	The Ethics of Revolt: a discussion from a Catholic point of view as to when it becomes lawful to rise in revolt against the Civil Power by Toirdhealbhach Mac Suibhne (pamphlet, 1918)&#13;
•	Battle-cries (Poems, 1918)&#13;
•	Principles of Freedom (Dublin: The Talbot Press, 1921)&#13;
•	Despite Fools' Laughter; poems by Terence MacSwiney. Edited by B. G. MacCarthy (Dublin: M. H. Gill and Son, 1944)&#13;
Quotes&#13;
•	"It is not those who can inflict the most, but those that can suffer the most who will prevail”&#13;
•	"I am confident that my death will do more to smash the British Empire than my release." (On his hunger strike)&#13;
•	"I want you to bear witness that I die as a Soldier of the Irish Republic." His last words to a visiting priest.&#13;
&#13;
Mac Swiney clan background.&#13;
In Ireland the Mac Sweeney or Clann Suibhne were primarily engaged as professional captains or Galloglass or Galloglaigh from (1200-1600).   Galloglass (g. Galloglaigh), are defined as a class of elite mercenary warriors, principally members of the Norse – Gaelic Clans of Scotland, between the mid thirteenth and late sixteenth centuries.   In Donegal the MacSwineys divided into three Branches, MacSuibhne Fanad, Mac Suibhne na dTuath and Mac Suibhne Banaghin.   Their services as Galloglass were much in demand from both Irish Chieftains and indeed Anglo Norman families.  In a document compiled in 1602 by Sir George Carew, Lord President of Munster, it records that an Edmund MacSwiney was ‘drawn out of Ulster’ by Cormac MacCarthy, the builder of Blarney Castle, who died in 1494.  This was the likely commencement of a migratory move South by the Mac Swineys whose role it was to train men in the skills of warfare and lead them in battle.   They were also in demand as custodians of castles and in return for their services received rents, cattle and in time also acquired lands.   This association with the MacCarthys in Muskerry lasted into the seventeenth century.  In 1570 it is recorded the MacSwineys are fighting on the side of James Fitzmaurice (Fitzgerald) when the then Viceroy, the Earl of Sydney, reports that he is moving against the MacSwiney Galloglasses ‘who supply the chief forces of the traitor’.   The MacSwineys are linked with a MacCarthy castle at Castlemore, near Farnanes, and held  castles held in their own right at Clodagh (Cloghda) near Crookstown and Mashanaglass near Macroom.   The ‘castles’ at Clodagh and Mashanaglass were built in the period (1400a.d. to 1600a.d) and could more accurately be described as ‘tower houses’.   Both castles, especially Mashanaglass, are in advanced stages of disrepair and decay.   In 1598 a Brian MacSwiney and his wife Honora Fitzgerald are recorded as occupiers and owners of Clodah castle (towerhouse) where a stone upper-floor mantelpiece has the inscription ‘Anno Dni. 1598 B.M.S.O.G. Decimo Die Julii’ .    In 1610 this Brian is applying for a re-grant of the Castle but it was awarded to an Edward Southworthe.    In 1834 (Tithe Applotment Book) the castle is held by the Earl of Bandon and probably used as a hunting lodge.  &#13;
 When Cromwell invaded Ireland his armies over-ran Muskerry and the lands and possessions of the MacSwineys were seized and given to Cromwell’s followers.    Many of the MacSwineys lived on in Muskerry and from one of these, and descendent of the last owner of Clodagh Castle came John MacSwiney, Terence’s father “ He was born in a small farm-house near Crookstown, in the year 1835-just before the famine.   While still a young man he shook of his restricted surroundings and made his way to Rome, in order to serve in the Papal Guard during the war against Garibaldi.   He arrived in Rome too late the fighting was already over.   On his way home, in 1870 he obtained work in London, as a school teacher.   A year later he married another school-teacher, Miss Mary Wilkinson.   Her father was English, or partly so, her mother’s family had emigrated from the South of Ireland two or three generations earlier.  The first three Mac Swiney Children, Mary, Catherine and Peter were born in London, later on the family moved back to Cork where Terence, Margaret, Annie and Sean were born.   Following the failure of a business venture with his brother in law John Mac Swiney went to Australia in search of work where he had relations and where he died in 1895. This placed a heavy burden on Mrs Mary Mac Swiney to rear her family and Terence left secondary school at age sixteen to work in the office of Dwyer and Company on WashingtonStreet.  (Return to Dates sheet). &#13;
&#13;
&#13;
T.McSwiney ( KHAA 12/2015).&#13;
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                  <text>War of Independence&#13;
Cogadh na Saoirse&#13;
&#13;
In the immediate aftermath of the Rising it seemed that a calm had settled on Ireland; the command structure of the Volunteers had been depleted and a countrywide round-up of dissenters had been exiled to internment in the United Kingdom. &#13;
However a simmering resentment remained among the people due to the execution of the rebel leaders, internment of the surviving Volunteers and the continued recruitment drive for manpower for the War effort; allied with the carrot and stick approach tactics of the British linking the implementation of Home Rule to conscription.&#13;
The rejuvenated Volunteers and its leaders, once released from internment (Frongoch Internment Camp in Wales was known as the “University of Revolution “) had begun to re-organize and rally around the issue of recruitment. The funeral in 1917 of 1916 leader Thomas Ashe (who died on hunger strike while being force fed) had many echoes of the pre-Rising funeral of O’ Donovan Rossa; the impressive organisation of the Volunteers on the day of Ashe’s funeral, and even the choice of a relatively unknown funeral orator, Michael Collins; who would go on to play as dominant a role in the forthcoming conflict, as Patrick Pearse had done in the previous one.&#13;
Other important indicators of the subtle return of confidence to the separatist ranks were the ceding, by Arthur Griffith of the Presidency of Sinn Fein in favour of Eamon De Valera and the subsequent election of De Valera as President of the Volunteers; increasingly referred to as the Irish Republican Army (IRA).&#13;
Sinn Fein now had the confidence of an army underlying it. The IRA, after the Sinn Fein landslide victory in the general election of 1918, now enjoyed the legitimacy of a democratic majority. Having stood on a policy platform of abstaining  from the Westminster Parliament - regarding it as a foreign parliament, the newly elected Sinn Fein members ( those that were not still imprisoned or on the run) convened on 21st of January , 1918 to form the new independent assembly, Dáil Éireann.&#13;
On the same day in Soloheadbeg, County Tipperary, two RIC policemen were killed by men from the South Tipperary Brigade of the IRA, in an attempt to gain much needed  arms.  This is regarded as the first significant encounter of the Anglo-Irish War. &#13;
Apart from purloining arms, another key tactic of the IRA was instigating a boycott, among locals, of the police. This intimidation inevitably led to a mass of retirements and reduction in the force and ultimately abandoning many of the more isolated rural barracks; leading to a breakdown in civil authority and a further legitimacy to Sinn Fein as the only local enforcement of civil order.&#13;
The British authorities were prepared to leave the conflict at a ‘law and order’ level as a war would effectively recognise the authority of the new government. The preferred method of engaging with the insurgents was by way of ‘unofficial’ reprisals and harassment but these practices usually only elicited more resentment from the general populace. &#13;
&#13;
It was only when an orchestrated attack on three RIC barracks in the Cork area commanded by The Cork No.1 Brigade, that acknowledgment was made at British Government level that “…acts of war…” had been committed. One of these concurrent attacks was an unsuccessful one on the RIC Barracks at Kilmurry by a force of about 60 Macroom Company men with some men from the Kilmurry Company acting as scouts and look-outs.&#13;
Eventually the British acknowledged the escalation of hostilities by recruiting support for the understrength RIC.  This arrived in the form of temporary cadets – Black and Tans – named after their ad-hoc uniforms which were a mix of RIC and British Army due to supply shortages; figuratively betraying also the dual nature of their role. There were further reinforcements from experienced former British Officers in the guise of a paramilitary force, the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), more commonly known as Auxiliaries or Auxies.  A further bolster to the Crown Forces was the introduction of the draconian Restoration of Order in Ireland Act 1920 and later on the selective introduction of martial law.&#13;
The IRA in Cork responded to the escalation of hostilities with their own mobile paramilitary units – The Flying Column – which gained some notable military victories over the more experienced and numerically superior Crown Forces.&#13;
In Dublin Michael Collins as Director of Intelligence for the Irish Republican Army  (among his many roles) had a notable coup whereby the IRA essentially emasculated British Intelligence operations in Dublin by locating and killing eleven members of the crack undercover team known as the ‘Cairo Gang’. In retaliation the Crown Forces opened fire on a Gaelic football match in Croke Park; fourteen civilians died in the attack. Later on the British murdered three IRA prisoners it was holding in Dublin Castle. The day was dubbed as ‘Bloody Sunday’ and was considered a major propaganda and strategic victory for the IRA.&#13;
The same year saw another major military and morale boosting victory for the IRA when in Cork an ambush of Auxiliaries in Kilmichael by the West Cork Flying Column resulted in 17 British casualties for the loss of three Volunteers. In response the British imposed martial law in most of Munster, including County Cork. In Cork City they also imposed a curfew and on the night of 11–12 December 1920 they burnt and looted the city as a reprisal for an engagement earlier on that evening and the   Kilmichael Ambush, two weeks earlier.&#13;
While the next few months saw even more tit-for-tat casualties it seemed clear that both sides were fighting a battle neither side could hope to win. Eventually a truce was agreed on 21st of July 1921. &#13;
&#13;
Since Munster, Cork in particular, saw a majority of the action outside of Dublin in the War of Independence it is no surprise that Kilmurry and its neighbouring parishes were witness to some of the key activities and engagements of the conflict; given its proximity to British garrisons at Cork, Ballincollig, Macroom and Bandon, and the consequent troop movement between them. This concentration of enemy forces attracted IRA attention to the area facilitated by a network of safe houses and loyal following.&#13;
&#13;
One such safe-house was in the neighbouring Parish of Kilmichael, Joe O’ Sullivan’s house at Gurranereigh. While Kilmurry was in the 1st Cork Brigade area it was adjacent to the 3rd Cork Brigade, to whose men it was considered a safe and convenient haven. It was to this house that Tom Barry and his men of the 1st Cork Brigade retired to billets after the Crossbarry Ambush on 19th of March 1921. Indeed the area was so often used by the men of the West Cork Flying Column that Sean O’ Hegarty, Officer Commanding of the Ist Cork Brigade once enquired of Tom Barry if “… (they) had any food or houses in West Cork”.&#13;
Another member of the West Cork Flying Column and a veteran of the Crossbarry and Kilmichael Ambushes was Liam Deasy who in his memoir of the Anglo-Irish War ‘Towards Ireland Free’ fondly remembers the welcome they always received, not only from the Kilmurry/Crookstown Company Officers but also the people of the area.&#13;
On the morning of Sunday, 22nd of August 1920, the area itself was witness to an ambush of Crown Forces at Lissarda.&#13;
Local Volunteer William Powell of the Kilmurry Company (later Crookstown Company) observed a convoy of RIC and Tans on the way from Cork to Macroom earlier that morning and knowing they would at some stage return to Cork, set about staging an ambush on their route through Lissarda.&#13;
It was only about 2:30pm when the convoy arrived at Lissarda but even at this stage all the ambush party had not yet arrived in their positions; there had been 12:30pm Mass to attend,  guns to be collected, most likely farm work and probably some dinner. During the engagement one Volunteer was killed. The local man was Michael Galvin who was secretly buried in the Kilmurry Churchyard (any overt ceremony would have incurred reprisals for the family), before later being interred, when it was safe to do so, in St. Mary’s Graveyard, Kilmurry.&#13;
&#13;
One of the last actions of the war just a few weeks before the truce, saw the torching of the big house at Warrenscourt. Even at this late stage of the war there was evidence that the British were intent on stationing troops there to suppress IRA activity in the area. This showed the belief of both sides that even with a truce in sight they would be more than ready to continue the fight.&#13;
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            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="12870">
                <text>eng </text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="51">
            <name>Type</name>
            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="12871">
                <text>physical object</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="12872">
                <text>KHAA.IMK.0255</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="38">
            <name>Coverage</name>
            <description>The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="12873">
                <text>1919-1921</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="180">
        <name>1919-1921</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="16">
        <name>Anglo-Irish War</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="14">
        <name>Ireland</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="17">
        <name>Irish War of Independence</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="13">
        <name>War of Independence</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
