3 10 363 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/11627d8a8af92206c55b64c7a2699837.JPG f12295a7c75be5a04e8f5bdc0b4f5e5b https://imkarchive.org/files/original/552918e6d44551190e7caaed3b95e8c2.JPG 2826ad3c75f736c1452bc1950b550b19 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/93a42c43989c2b6862bc641909b97432.JPG 5c55c2959fda46b780d378c3dc65457e https://imkarchive.org/files/original/ce90ee62175da5cf873f868d81e309a7.JPG 46b06dbcdb8fe82e35d02aea774a45f1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mossgrove Creamery Ledgers x2. (a) green cover 1951-1957,(b) blue cover 1957 - 1961 Subject The topic of the resource Local Industry Description An account of the resource Mossgrove Creamery Ledgers x2. (a) green cover 1951-1957,(b) blue cover 1957 - 1961 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Diarmuid Cronin Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource paper Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.1075 Creameries Local Industry Mossgrove https://imkarchive.org/files/original/ba39ad7f1b14fe8e44b7712f8f5dc4ae.JPG 0e6eb08f918ee2eb010182340f96c239 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Milk Sampler from Lissarda Creamery Description An account of the resource Milk Sampler from Lissarda Creamery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Neilus O' Mahony Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Language A language of the resource en Type The nature or genre of the resource metal Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.1074 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Terelton Creamery Wages Ledger - 1911 Subject The topic of the resource Creameries Description An account of the resource Terelton Creamery Wages Ledger - 1911 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource paper Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0771 Creameries Industry Terelton https://imkarchive.org/files/original/469df56b4cf0cad18b16436a811750b6.JPG b19f245ef6cd7940a012d0fc85980d4e https://imkarchive.org/files/original/2c4ba8f2ef9edb0791cd13ba334a174e.JPG 3b009db3316e195e395227cd0aaa9d53 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Butter Spade Description An account of the resource Butter Spade Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Type The nature or genre of the resource wood Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0584 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/11753aa14629bf07a97f0f41504b89e3.JPG b56cf64e9a68b4ae0e5828196199d91d https://imkarchive.org/files/original/79ad0f721cbaefd1ac5486f4d93695fd.JPG a67a889c5c4b34343c381763cdf6da3e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Butter Firkin Branding Iron - 'D R' Description An account of the resource Butter Firkin Branding Iron - 'D R' Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Type The nature or genre of the resource wood, metal Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0412 Buttermaking Creameries https://imkarchive.org/files/original/e620b72dc97819ed75bcdec7be027863.JPG 8146335573a5bfbdea24d2f62a7f5336 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/f5e3f9c45c6dc86b731f6a6b0ae465e7.JPG 041af085dae0ae8c0e2a059377c38095 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Timber Cream Skimmer Subject The topic of the resource LocaL industry Description An account of the resource Timber Cream Skimmer Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Humphrey D Moynihan Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Type The nature or genre of the resource wood Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0278 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/a07ebf19c7fc628802b52c803712ec81.JPG 0c4cac27d5c6a01ee9fc81b868950cb0 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/3662a9374e84dcd431e8a2dfb3a88486.JPG 939a70f2e4c0ef7cf10dc376a7ba8d63 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/8dfac989510a11c518b419d5c0c49ce6.JPG f9701c89b5c257ec9b09e6a236c45a58 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cream Skimming Dish Subject The topic of the resource LocaL industry Description An account of the resource Cream Skimming Dish (Stoneware) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Mrs. Corcoran Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Language A language of the resource Type The nature or genre of the resource stoneware Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0277 Buttermaking Creameries Domestic https://imkarchive.org/files/original/bade54e6a1796358732e11ef174abdf3.JPG b93037633cdfaaa788d71358c2069999 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/3085787079715f56ed2d7e5d6978c0bb.JPG b9eeb30ebde9e4a1f25f9c9bd9d8705d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Leather Handbag - Long's Bar Béal na Bláth - 1922 Subject The topic of the resource Fashionware Description An account of the resource Leather Handbag - as owned by Mrs. Long, Long's Public House Béal na Bláth - 1922 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Maura Cronin Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Relation A related resource KHAA.IMK.1204 KHAA.IMK.1205 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Language A language of the resource n/a Type The nature or genre of the resource Leather Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.1206 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm 1922 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/0cf5335c7b5f7359dd837c9379cc7107.JPG 7025cab8eaa544d2a642726fddc806a2 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/fc3298ebb94e221e2c1ab8b74510e183.JPG 075c75765a6705c603fa652361e564d8 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Easter Rising Subject The topic of the resource Easter Rising Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2021 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1926 Description An account of the resource Éirí Amach na Cásca After the split in the Volunteer organisation, the breakaway Irish Volunteers were now wholly under the control of the physical force proponents. However, the Executive leadership of the organisation, while not against the idea of confronting the British, were of the view that any confrontation that would take place would only be in the case of an attempt to impose conscription or any effort to suppress the organisation or seize their weapons. Chief-of-Staff Eoin MacNeill firmly believed that if any uprising were to occur without popular support, it would be doomed to failure. While the leadership of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), the driving force behind the Irish Volunteers, largely shared this view, the IRB Military Council itself had been planning an armed insurrection against the British while they were preoccupied with the First World War. This Military Council would eventually comprise of all the future signatories of the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. One of the later additions to the Military Council was James Connolly of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA) whose own inclination, independent of the Military Council, was to stage an armed rebellion. The genesis of the Easter Rising of 1916 is supposed to have begun at Patrick Pearse’s stirring graveyard oration at the funeral of renowned Fenian and Rosscarbery native Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa in August of 1915 in Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin. The mass mobilization surrounding the funeral was a deliberately overt demonstration of the strength and military precision of the Irish Volunteers. When the actual Insurrection occurred on Easter Weekend 1916, the reality was somewhat different. A determination by the Military Council to keep the planning secret both from dissenting leadership of the Volunteers (indeed from some of the IRB also) and from possible informers, resulted in the regional command structure being unaware of the true nature of the planned mobilisation for that weekend. Chaos then ensued due to a countermanding order issued by MacNeill (a press notice was issued in that weekend’s newspaper!), once he became aware of the imminent insurrection. Once this countermanding order from the Chief-of-Staff had been issued, the regional leadership had no choice but to fall in line despite counter-countermanding orders issued subsequently. One also has to appreciate the difficulty of communication given the constraints of time and distance, all under the ever watchful eyes of the police, the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC). Another spanner in the works was the arrest of Sir Roger Casement and the interception of the Aud, which was to land at Tralee, carrying much needed guns and ammunition from the Germans. In Dublin the intervention of MacNeill only succeeded in delaying the insurrection for one day because the command structure there was directly linked to the Military Council. “Boys, some of us may never come back!” - Thomas MacDonagh The Rising began on Easter Monday with the mobilisation of the Irish Volunteers, Connolly’s ICA, Cumann na mBan and some other minor groupings. While they seized and occupied many key buildings, they set up headquarters in the heart of Dublin’s main thoroughfare, in the General Post Office (GPO). The reception from the local populace was at best indifferent and at worse insulting. This however soon turned to outright resentment due to the widespread destruction of the city by the consequent British bombardment. It appeared that the Rebels’ assertion that the British would not destroy the properties of one of the major cities of its Empire was unfounded; they were treating Dublin more like Berlin than Birmingham! After 5 days and in the face of overwhelming superiority of forces and artillery, to save lives and property, the Rebels agreed to an unconditional surrender. While plans may have envisaged a more widespread Rising and aspired to a more successful conclusion, there is no doubt that the leaders were under no illusions as to the likeliest outcome: their courts-martial and executions for treason under the wide-ranging wartime Defence of the Realm Act (DORA). Their main aim all the time was to provoke a reaction from the British and to raise the consciousness of those whom they believed were falsely placated by the promise of devolved regional government, while at the same time giving a glimpse of the paucity of autonomy that Home Rule would provide. Given the strictures of wartime censorship and a mostly unsympathetic press it is difficult to gauge the amount of popular support there might have been for a revolution before the British lionised the leaders by executing them over an extended period of time and by their mass countrywide round-up and internment of Irish Volunteers. In the 1918 General Election, Sinn Féin, their manifesto standing firmly by the same principles as envisaged by the Proclamation of the Provisional Government of Easter, 1916, gained a remarkable landslide victory. “… order, counter-order, disorder” - Terence MacSwiney In Cork, in his role as Brigade Commander of the Cork Volunteers, Tomás MacCurtain, had control of some thousand Volunteers; these were to be deployed in the transport and distribution of the imminent arms shipment due to arrive on the Aud. It is not clear exactly when MacCurtain was informed of the planned Rising for that weekend ( as an IRB member he most likely was taken into the confidence of the Military Council), but he was certainly well prepared for the very real possibility of an engagement with enemy forces when coming into possession of so many arms. The planned role for Cork in the Rising would require that members of the Cork City Battalion would take the train (some made their way by bicycle) from Cork to Crookstown on Easter Sunday, rendezvous with the other Cork Battalions at Béal na Blath, and then proceed to Kilmurry where they were to be joined by some 20 men from the Kilmurry Company. In all some 400 men assembled in Kilmurry and then set off to Macroom from where they were to proceed onto Carriganimma to meet up with other Companies assembled there. MacCurtain was in the winless position of knowing that the shipment of arms had been intercepted but had decided to continue the mobilization through to Macroom, at least as an exercise and even more importantly to maintain discipline and morale. It was only on his return to Cork City on Easter Monday to stand down the Volunteers, having spent the previous twenty-four hours travelling County Cork with MacSwiney, that he was informed that an insurrection had indeed begun in Dublin. The Cork City Volunteers held the Volunteer Hall in Sheares Street for most of that week under threat of bombardment from the British Military forces unless all arms were surrendered. An accommodation was reached after intervention by the Bishop of Cork and Kilmichael Parish native, Daniel Cohalan and Lord Mayor of Cork, Councillor Thomas C. Butterfield; the arms would be deposited for safekeeping to the Lord Mayor and the men would be free to return to their homes. These terms were then breached by the British when they raided the Lord Mayor’s house and captured the arms and subsequently interned both MacCurtain and MacSwiney. Later enquiries carried out by the Volunteers and the IRB found that MacCurtain and MacSwiney had conducted themselves appropriately given the circumstances on that confusing weekend. Exonerated or not, there was no little frustration experienced by them and their fellow Volunteers; given their sense of uselessness in the face of the much different experience and tragic outcome experienced by their Dublin colleagues. They would have to bide their time to vent this frustration. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Crocheted Bag - Frongoch Internment Camp Wales 1916 Subject The topic of the resource Easter Rising Description An account of the resource Crocheted Bag - Prison Art from Frongoch Internment Camp Wales Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource unknown Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Maura Cronin Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1916 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Relation A related resource KHAA.IMK.01204 KHAA.IMK.01206 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Language A language of the resource n/a Type The nature or genre of the resource crochet Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.01205 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm 1916 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/2b7984f2901019c0df655690d6521355.JPG 3f20bc13a052982d6fec8b34eaa9f6d0 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/4aead0b2de2360a1e661d2b1ea703114.JPG 217f7e371d83c3d028c4ad9fbd0c0346 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/c58a4d6239cb61213d816f4dc1ce849a.JPG fd4aefeb834d4a6c135a71d36855bb28 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Silver Biscuit Jar - 1910 Wedding Present Subject The topic of the resource Homeware Description An account of the resource Silver Biscuit Jar - 1910 Wedding Present to Mr. and Mrs. Long, Longs Public House, Béal na Bláth, Cork Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Maura Cronin Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource physical object Language A language of the resource en Type The nature or genre of the resource Silver Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.01204 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm 1910