2 10 363 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/3510ca97afcb52b1b2b59d4ae6f3eb5d.JPG aabf47f5afe4ae1728c009141650b8f7 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael Collins Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource Michael Collins Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Photograph Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0859 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Civil War Free State Army Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Michael Collins Saorstát Éireann https://imkarchive.org/files/original/15ffdfec770ea33c3347eb7e36b4c6b0.jpg e1ffbf87f59d3c51169f5b90931b173a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael Collins Timeline Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource Michael Collins Timeline Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Sheehan Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Pake Sheehan Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Document Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0874 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Béal na Bláth Ambush Civil War Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Michael Collins Saorstát Éireann https://imkarchive.org/files/original/42de14d6c4ed1bc0a8270107a48b248d.jpg 7c36c5beab965bd3a568ec9c4c63474e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Béal na Bláth Map - Drawing Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource Collins Convoy Route (Béal na Bláth) Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Sheehan Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Pake Sheehan Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1922 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Handrawn Route Map Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0875 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Béal na Bláth Ambush Civil War Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Michael Collins Saorstát Éireann https://imkarchive.org/files/original/3a771971c19a71349550b7aeefc8aa37.JPG b4cc27997145637b35f489638809e7b9 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/b8ec46186971c1d841f1f49622d7adbd.JPG f79eb44769873c4405836448de2ca80a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Butter Box - Irish Free State Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource Butter Box - Irish Free State Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Wooden Butterbox Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0980 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Butter Civil War Creameries Industry Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Saorstát Éireann https://imkarchive.org/files/original/4046ef5c7f659fb6a28ef647cf09f305.jpg fecdf46bcc760f5eed3ffadc916f8eaf https://imkarchive.org/files/original/d1f6fafd3a66621c80ae60b78e158107.jpg fc5c0370f6fffc3f5f24eb5c9cac14fe https://imkarchive.org/files/original/963a94cb0d8f862e05d9d691e89991c2.jpg 7b77887f0fea743c420569453038ba23 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/2e2fa13ff707f26a7a92e7d32d600100.jpg e938a74a0fe92d48f565d312763f1aaa https://imkarchive.org/files/original/a9d1ab78f1b2ea9a7f6e8e9564532484.jpg 2c3a3843d6d928e20c811259b3567450 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/a33021c8935c630e6148749015330970.jpg 8b9a6a640f3a4f3ffcc9d14213d3ce48 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/b9802488d98d6f88a84dba4c58d47f63.jpg cf8a5435beb8b62d489751c374ef7fb0 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Newspaper Clipping - Gen. Michael Collins Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource "The Defamation of Michael Collins" Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Una O' Donoghue Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Newspaper Clippings Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.1068 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Civil War Free State Army Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Michael Collins Saorstát Éireann https://imkarchive.org/files/original/38b9f5a2e8747777c0370605e4f692c7.JPG 4e46a1b562630f47c14cc9eae1df5875 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Crucifix Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource Crucifix from Shanakiel Hospital Chapel, Michael Collins Room. "The dead Commander-in-Chief of the Irish Army was laid out in his uniform and boots. ... A sixteen inch high silver crucifix (mounted on a stand) was placed on a table to the right of the body." - The Day Michael Collins Was Shot - Meda Ryan (Poolbeg Press 1989) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Elinora Duggan Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Brass Crucifix Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.1085 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Béal na Bláth Ambush Civil War Cork City Free State Army Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Michael Collins Saorstát Éireann Shanakiel Hospital https://imkarchive.org/files/original/68f61bacf8f207b6ecceec99c04b1be3.jpg e94536662d3f94de8f4401ba96a29e5c https://imkarchive.org/files/original/9aa0989b08927fb7988fb5d886c15174.jpg 4926002ce6871b983b68f396985b1a50 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/5c61ca7964a0e01b0d11c2024c50d506.jpg e8c97453d082d586f0e7f035b097c338 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/81f25c4a79714aba60a4b00383238a4a.jpg 06a754e1bb7bcff9ab227bf857f0d7b2 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/0b4cb964fb58a35373a40813bcf149d7.jpg 4f06d413bb9f4b9bf6b62ce759075ed0 https://imkarchive.org/files/original/fa9d41f7e28accea708ae3e95166d928.jpg 44a441bb5d15ebf13de6fca2dc9dd3ec Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish Civil War Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War Description An account of the resource Irish Civil War Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann The acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty presaged a rupture in the Nationalist movement in Ireland. “..the freedom to achieve freedom” - Michael Collins Those who supported the Treaty and formed the Provisional Government of Ireland later the Irish Free State, were those members of Dail Eireann who believed that militarily an Irish Republic could not be achieved but were willing to settle for a qualified independent twenty-six County State; the six Counties of Northern Ireland having already been accommodated in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, although a promise had been given to revisit this ‘situation’ by establishing a Boundary Commission. The opponents of the Treaty were those who believed that it was a betrayal of the Irish Republic as proclaimed during the Easter Rising of 1916 and a repudiation of the efforts of those who fought and died during the War of Independence nor could they countenance an Oath of Allegiance to the British sovereign. The Anti-Treaty side considered that an armed struggle was sustainable and that by conceding to devolved government we would be surrendering our right to self-determination. The Pro-Treaty side believed that an armed struggle against Britain was not winnable. Furthermore they regarded the Treaty as recognition by Britain of our independence in principle and that it would lead in time to full independence. They were also left in no doubt, by the British, that failure to accept the terms of the Treaty would result in a resumption of war. On the 7th of January, 1922, a narrow majority of Dáil Éireann ratified the Anglo-Irish Treaty and established the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera resigned in protest challenging the right of Dáil Éireann to break it’s oath of allegiance to the Republic. This split was reflected also in the IRA which had never been wholly in the control of Dáil Éireann never mind the newly incumbent Provisional Government. The majority of the IRA rejected the Treaty and also challenged the authority of the Minister of Defence, Richard Mulcahy. Michael Collins, a signatory of the Treaty and as President of the IRB, whose leadership was broadly Pro-Treaty, voted in favour of the Treaty. Although Collins and De Valera are commonly regarded as the prime protagonists on each side there is evidence that the positions of both were not as entrenched as might have seemed. De Valera made efforts to ameliorate the terms of the Treaty that might be acceptable to the Anti-Treaty side by offering ‘external association’ with the British Empire rather than dominion status. Collins had hoped to smuggle a ‘republic in disguise’ into the Free State constitution and was also helping both IRA Republicans and Pro-Treaty units in the North to counteract Loyalist violence. Even staunch republican Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army had hoped initially to ‘work the Treaty’. The Civil War itself is considered to have officially begun when the National Army or Free State Army (acting on an ultimatum from the British) attempted to remove, from The Four Courts, Republicans under Rory O’Connor who had provocatively occupied it for three months. The National Army established originally from the Pro-Treaty IRA but now vastly outnumbering the Anti-Treaty forces due to accelerated recruitment, also used artillery borrowed from the British to bombard the building and force the surrender. The use of heavy artillery by the National Army, reminiscent of the British response to the Easter Rising, served only to reinforce the Republicans view that the Provisional Government was only a British stooge. Conversely the occupation of the Four Courts by the Republicans and the taking of a hostage served the Provisional Government and a sympathetic press’ impression of the dissenters as anti-democratic ‘Irregulars’. It was a disastrous engagement for the Anti-Treaty side who lost its former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defence of Dail Eireann, Cathal Brugha, when the fighting ensued onto the streets of the capital. They also suffered the capture of some 500 of their forces including some key leading figures. With Dublin now firmly in control of the National Army, the next and what would be the final stage of the Civil War would take place mostly in the south of the country. Eventually the National Army with superior forces and artillery gradually overtook most of the major towns in the south. It was during this stage of the conflict that Michael Collins as Commander-in Chief of the National Army decided to make a visit to some garrisons in the south, including a visit to his home turf of Clonakilty. Given that West Cork was one of the few areas still nominally in control of the IRA, this would appear to be a hubristic move to say the least. “The Commander-in-Chief is coming” - Collins’ convoy outrider On their way from Macroom to Bandon, the convoy passed through Kilmurry village on the morning of 22nd of August 1922. The reception he received, or more correctly lack of one, was rather different than the one he would receive in his native Clonakilty later on that day. An attempt by a National Army outrider to drum up enthusiasm for the unannounced convoy, by knocking on some village doors, fell on mostly deaf ears; the only obvious response came from someone who was concerned for the safety of his ducklings in the path of the convoy - “mind my ducks”. “Collins is gone wesht, but he won’t go easth” - Local Postman Immediately after Kilmurry the convoy came upon the crossroads at Béal na mBláth. Because of the state of the war-time roads and unfamiliarity with the area they enquired from a man, just then standing outside Long’s Pub, the way to Bandon. That man was Denis D. ‘ Dinny The Dane’ Long and unknown to the Collin’s convoy he was a just then acting as sentry for recently returned Republican officers and men of the 3rd Brigade, from the fighting at Limerick and North Cork, who were billeted there. These men, having being alerted by the sounds of a military convoy were just then crouched behind the windows of Long’s Pub with arms at the ready. Long, coolly secreting his rifle in the doorway of the pub, hurriedly directed the convoy on their way. Having recognised Collins he then headed to nearby Murrays farmhouse. This was the headquarters of 1st and 3rd Brigades, the staffs of which were just then to hold a war council meeting there. Also due were De Valera and Liam Deasy, OC First Southern Division who were on their way having rested overnight nearby in Kilmichael. That same parish was also host to Erskine Childers and his propaganda group who were editing the newspaper of the Anti-Treaty side, Poblacht na h-Eireann. Collins had not just entered enemy held territory but was within touching distance of a veritable who’s who of the leadership, both military and political, on the Anti-Treaty side; including some of the most effective guerrilla fighters in the country and former colleagues from the War of Independence. De Valera, on having heard that he had just ‘missed’ Collins, is reported to have said “A pity I didn’t meet him”. Given the brazen incursion into their stronghold by the Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Forces and the recent set back suffered at Limerick and North Cork, including the loss of local IRA man William Harrington, it was decided to set an ambush that evening for the returning party. When the convoy did finally make their return that evening, much later than expected, the ambush party had mostly been stood down and the rest were in the process of retrieving mines and clearing the road–block. In the ensuing fight the Michael Collins was fatally shot. “That would be a pity, because lesser men might succeed him…” - Eamon De Valera With the deaths of two of their leaders, Arthur Griffith having died a week earlier, there was a belief that the impetus might have swung to the Republican side, but this was short lived with the replacement of Griffiths and Collins by W.T. Cosgrave and Richard Mulcahy respectively. The increasingly desperate Anti-Treaty forces, without broad public support and fighting an enemy, who, unlike the British, was all too familiar with the local terrain and guerrilla tactics, had to resort to sabotage of local infrastructure and breakup into more effective but less organised flying columns. The Provisional Government for their part introduced emergency legislation with amongst others the power of internment without trial and the power to impose death penalties on non-army personnel; effectively state-sponsored reprisals. The Republicans replied in kind with an open season on Provisional Government deputies and personnel. From thereon in the Civil War descended into an escalating and bitter game of tit-for-tat killings resulting in the Provisional Government executing some 77 Republicans. With the death of Republican Chief of Staff Liam Lynch on the 10th April 1923, the war was effectively over. His more pragmatic successor Frank Aitken called a ceasefire and on the 24th of May 1923 commanded Republican troops to dump arms. The Civil War was over if unfinished. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Postcards - Gen. Michael Collins Funeral Subject The topic of the resource Irish Civil War, Civil War, Ireland, 1922-1923, Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann Description An account of the resource Michael Collins Funeral - 3 x Postcards. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Ken Harte Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1922 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Postcards Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.1110 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1922-1923 1922-1923 Béal na Bláth Ambush Civil War Dublin Free State Army Ireland Irish Civil War Irish Free State Michael Collins Saorstát Éireann https://imkarchive.org/files/original/69357c80b33ff34d6717786905193978.JPG b99a6cb668d914a0cac5abb9f3091a55 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish War of Independence Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Type The nature or genre of the resource Subject The topic of the resource Irish War of Independence Description An account of the resource War of Independence Cogadh na Saoirse In the immediate aftermath of the Rising it seemed that a calm had settled on Ireland; the command structure of the Volunteers had been depleted and a countrywide round-up of dissenters had been exiled to internment in the United Kingdom. However a simmering resentment remained among the people due to the execution of the rebel leaders, internment of the surviving Volunteers and the continued recruitment drive for manpower for the War effort; allied with the carrot and stick approach tactics of the British linking the implementation of Home Rule to conscription. The rejuvenated Volunteers and its leaders, once released from internment (Frongoch Internment Camp in Wales was known as the “University of Revolution “) had begun to re-organize and rally around the issue of recruitment. The funeral in 1917 of 1916 leader Thomas Ashe (who died on hunger strike while being force fed) had many echoes of the pre-Rising funeral of O’ Donovan Rossa; the impressive organisation of the Volunteers on the day of Ashe’s funeral, and even the choice of a relatively unknown funeral orator, Michael Collins; who would go on to play as dominant a role in the forthcoming conflict, as Patrick Pearse had done in the previous one. Other important indicators of the subtle return of confidence to the separatist ranks were the ceding, by Arthur Griffith of the Presidency of Sinn Fein in favour of Eamon De Valera and the subsequent election of De Valera as President of the Volunteers; increasingly referred to as the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Sinn Fein now had the confidence of an army underlying it. The IRA, after the Sinn Fein landslide victory in the general election of 1918, now enjoyed the legitimacy of a democratic majority. Having stood on a policy platform of abstaining from the Westminster Parliament - regarding it as a foreign parliament, the newly elected Sinn Fein members ( those that were not still imprisoned or on the run) convened on 21st of January , 1918 to form the new independent assembly, Dáil Éireann. On the same day in Soloheadbeg, County Tipperary, two RIC policemen were killed by men from the South Tipperary Brigade of the IRA, in an attempt to gain much needed arms. This is regarded as the first significant encounter of the Anglo-Irish War. Apart from purloining arms, another key tactic of the IRA was instigating a boycott, among locals, of the police. This intimidation inevitably led to a mass of retirements and reduction in the force and ultimately abandoning many of the more isolated rural barracks; leading to a breakdown in civil authority and a further legitimacy to Sinn Fein as the only local enforcement of civil order. The British authorities were prepared to leave the conflict at a ‘law and order’ level as a war would effectively recognise the authority of the new government. The preferred method of engaging with the insurgents was by way of ‘unofficial’ reprisals and harassment but these practices usually only elicited more resentment from the general populace. It was only when an orchestrated attack on three RIC barracks in the Cork area commanded by The Cork No.1 Brigade, that acknowledgment was made at British Government level that “…acts of war…” had been committed. One of these concurrent attacks was an unsuccessful one on the RIC Barracks at Kilmurry by a force of about 60 Macroom Company men with some men from the Kilmurry Company acting as scouts and look-outs. Eventually the British acknowledged the escalation of hostilities by recruiting support for the understrength RIC. This arrived in the form of temporary cadets – Black and Tans – named after their ad-hoc uniforms which were a mix of RIC and British Army due to supply shortages; figuratively betraying also the dual nature of their role. There were further reinforcements from experienced former British Officers in the guise of a paramilitary force, the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), more commonly known as Auxiliaries or Auxies. A further bolster to the Crown Forces was the introduction of the draconian Restoration of Order in Ireland Act 1920 and later on the selective introduction of martial law. The IRA in Cork responded to the escalation of hostilities with their own mobile paramilitary units – The Flying Column – which gained some notable military victories over the more experienced and numerically superior Crown Forces. In Dublin Michael Collins as Director of Intelligence for the Irish Republican Army (among his many roles) had a notable coup whereby the IRA essentially emasculated British Intelligence operations in Dublin by locating and killing eleven members of the crack undercover team known as the ‘Cairo Gang’. In retaliation the Crown Forces opened fire on a Gaelic football match in Croke Park; fourteen civilians died in the attack. Later on the British murdered three IRA prisoners it was holding in Dublin Castle. The day was dubbed as ‘Bloody Sunday’ and was considered a major propaganda and strategic victory for the IRA. The same year saw another major military and morale boosting victory for the IRA when in Cork an ambush of Auxiliaries in Kilmichael by the West Cork Flying Column resulted in 17 British casualties for the loss of three Volunteers. In response the British imposed martial law in most of Munster, including County Cork. In Cork City they also imposed a curfew and on the night of 11–12 December 1920 they burnt and looted the city as a reprisal for an engagement earlier on that evening and the Kilmichael Ambush, two weeks earlier. While the next few months saw even more tit-for-tat casualties it seemed clear that both sides were fighting a battle neither side could hope to win. Eventually a truce was agreed on 21st of July 1921. Since Munster, Cork in particular, saw a majority of the action outside of Dublin in the War of Independence it is no surprise that Kilmurry and its neighbouring parishes were witness to some of the key activities and engagements of the conflict; given its proximity to British garrisons at Cork, Ballincollig, Macroom and Bandon, and the consequent troop movement between them. This concentration of enemy forces attracted IRA attention to the area facilitated by a network of safe houses and loyal following. One such safe-house was in the neighbouring Parish of Kilmichael, Joe O’ Sullivan’s house at Gurranereigh. While Kilmurry was in the 1st Cork Brigade area it was adjacent to the 3rd Cork Brigade, to whose men it was considered a safe and convenient haven. It was to this house that Tom Barry and his men of the 1st Cork Brigade retired to billets after the Crossbarry Ambush on 19th of March 1921. Indeed the area was so often used by the men of the West Cork Flying Column that Sean O’ Hegarty, Officer Commanding of the Ist Cork Brigade once enquired of Tom Barry if “… (they) had any food or houses in West Cork”. Another member of the West Cork Flying Column and a veteran of the Crossbarry and Kilmichael Ambushes was Liam Deasy who in his memoir of the Anglo-Irish War ‘Towards Ireland Free’ fondly remembers the welcome they always received, not only from the Kilmurry/Crookstown Company Officers but also the people of the area. On the morning of Sunday, 22nd of August 1920, the area itself was witness to an ambush of Crown Forces at Lissarda. Local Volunteer William Powell of the Kilmurry Company (later Crookstown Company) observed a convoy of RIC and Tans on the way from Cork to Macroom earlier that morning and knowing they would at some stage return to Cork, set about staging an ambush on their route through Lissarda. It was only about 2:30pm when the convoy arrived at Lissarda but even at this stage all the ambush party had not yet arrived in their positions; there had been 12:30pm Mass to attend, guns to be collected, most likely farm work and probably some dinner. During the engagement one Volunteer was killed. The local man was Michael Galvin who was secretly buried in the Kilmurry Churchyard (any overt ceremony would have incurred reprisals for the family), before later being interred, when it was safe to do so, in St. Mary’s Graveyard, Kilmurry. One of the last actions of the war just a few weeks before the truce, saw the torching of the big house at Warrenscourt. Even at this late stage of the war there was evidence that the British were intent on stationing troops there to suppress IRA activity in the area. This showed the belief of both sides that even with a truce in sight they would be more than ready to continue the fight. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1919 - 1921 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Proclamation of 1916 re-print for 1918 Election Subject The topic of the resource Anglo-Irish War, Irish War of Independence, War of Independence, Ireland, 1919-1921 Description An account of the resource Proclamation of 1916 ( 1918 Election Reprint "The Irish Republic Still Lives") Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Patrick Sheehan Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1918 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Relation A related resource Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Poster Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0001 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1919-1921 1919-1921 Anglo-Irish War Ireland Irish general election of 1918 Irish War of Independence Sinn Féin War of Independence https://imkarchive.org/files/original/3aa3abce9ab06c0d9269dec388b9f32c.jpg 9cf5389c7805baf0f00efc8c73fae4a2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish War of Independence Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Type The nature or genre of the resource Subject The topic of the resource Irish War of Independence Description An account of the resource War of Independence Cogadh na Saoirse In the immediate aftermath of the Rising it seemed that a calm had settled on Ireland; the command structure of the Volunteers had been depleted and a countrywide round-up of dissenters had been exiled to internment in the United Kingdom. However a simmering resentment remained among the people due to the execution of the rebel leaders, internment of the surviving Volunteers and the continued recruitment drive for manpower for the War effort; allied with the carrot and stick approach tactics of the British linking the implementation of Home Rule to conscription. The rejuvenated Volunteers and its leaders, once released from internment (Frongoch Internment Camp in Wales was known as the “University of Revolution “) had begun to re-organize and rally around the issue of recruitment. The funeral in 1917 of 1916 leader Thomas Ashe (who died on hunger strike while being force fed) had many echoes of the pre-Rising funeral of O’ Donovan Rossa; the impressive organisation of the Volunteers on the day of Ashe’s funeral, and even the choice of a relatively unknown funeral orator, Michael Collins; who would go on to play as dominant a role in the forthcoming conflict, as Patrick Pearse had done in the previous one. Other important indicators of the subtle return of confidence to the separatist ranks were the ceding, by Arthur Griffith of the Presidency of Sinn Fein in favour of Eamon De Valera and the subsequent election of De Valera as President of the Volunteers; increasingly referred to as the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Sinn Fein now had the confidence of an army underlying it. The IRA, after the Sinn Fein landslide victory in the general election of 1918, now enjoyed the legitimacy of a democratic majority. Having stood on a policy platform of abstaining from the Westminster Parliament - regarding it as a foreign parliament, the newly elected Sinn Fein members ( those that were not still imprisoned or on the run) convened on 21st of January , 1918 to form the new independent assembly, Dáil Éireann. On the same day in Soloheadbeg, County Tipperary, two RIC policemen were killed by men from the South Tipperary Brigade of the IRA, in an attempt to gain much needed arms. This is regarded as the first significant encounter of the Anglo-Irish War. Apart from purloining arms, another key tactic of the IRA was instigating a boycott, among locals, of the police. This intimidation inevitably led to a mass of retirements and reduction in the force and ultimately abandoning many of the more isolated rural barracks; leading to a breakdown in civil authority and a further legitimacy to Sinn Fein as the only local enforcement of civil order. The British authorities were prepared to leave the conflict at a ‘law and order’ level as a war would effectively recognise the authority of the new government. The preferred method of engaging with the insurgents was by way of ‘unofficial’ reprisals and harassment but these practices usually only elicited more resentment from the general populace. It was only when an orchestrated attack on three RIC barracks in the Cork area commanded by The Cork No.1 Brigade, that acknowledgment was made at British Government level that “…acts of war…” had been committed. One of these concurrent attacks was an unsuccessful one on the RIC Barracks at Kilmurry by a force of about 60 Macroom Company men with some men from the Kilmurry Company acting as scouts and look-outs. Eventually the British acknowledged the escalation of hostilities by recruiting support for the understrength RIC. This arrived in the form of temporary cadets – Black and Tans – named after their ad-hoc uniforms which were a mix of RIC and British Army due to supply shortages; figuratively betraying also the dual nature of their role. There were further reinforcements from experienced former British Officers in the guise of a paramilitary force, the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), more commonly known as Auxiliaries or Auxies. A further bolster to the Crown Forces was the introduction of the draconian Restoration of Order in Ireland Act 1920 and later on the selective introduction of martial law. The IRA in Cork responded to the escalation of hostilities with their own mobile paramilitary units – The Flying Column – which gained some notable military victories over the more experienced and numerically superior Crown Forces. In Dublin Michael Collins as Director of Intelligence for the Irish Republican Army (among his many roles) had a notable coup whereby the IRA essentially emasculated British Intelligence operations in Dublin by locating and killing eleven members of the crack undercover team known as the ‘Cairo Gang’. In retaliation the Crown Forces opened fire on a Gaelic football match in Croke Park; fourteen civilians died in the attack. Later on the British murdered three IRA prisoners it was holding in Dublin Castle. The day was dubbed as ‘Bloody Sunday’ and was considered a major propaganda and strategic victory for the IRA. The same year saw another major military and morale boosting victory for the IRA when in Cork an ambush of Auxiliaries in Kilmichael by the West Cork Flying Column resulted in 17 British casualties for the loss of three Volunteers. In response the British imposed martial law in most of Munster, including County Cork. In Cork City they also imposed a curfew and on the night of 11–12 December 1920 they burnt and looted the city as a reprisal for an engagement earlier on that evening and the Kilmichael Ambush, two weeks earlier. While the next few months saw even more tit-for-tat casualties it seemed clear that both sides were fighting a battle neither side could hope to win. Eventually a truce was agreed on 21st of July 1921. Since Munster, Cork in particular, saw a majority of the action outside of Dublin in the War of Independence it is no surprise that Kilmurry and its neighbouring parishes were witness to some of the key activities and engagements of the conflict; given its proximity to British garrisons at Cork, Ballincollig, Macroom and Bandon, and the consequent troop movement between them. This concentration of enemy forces attracted IRA attention to the area facilitated by a network of safe houses and loyal following. One such safe-house was in the neighbouring Parish of Kilmichael, Joe O’ Sullivan’s house at Gurranereigh. While Kilmurry was in the 1st Cork Brigade area it was adjacent to the 3rd Cork Brigade, to whose men it was considered a safe and convenient haven. It was to this house that Tom Barry and his men of the 1st Cork Brigade retired to billets after the Crossbarry Ambush on 19th of March 1921. Indeed the area was so often used by the men of the West Cork Flying Column that Sean O’ Hegarty, Officer Commanding of the Ist Cork Brigade once enquired of Tom Barry if “… (they) had any food or houses in West Cork”. Another member of the West Cork Flying Column and a veteran of the Crossbarry and Kilmichael Ambushes was Liam Deasy who in his memoir of the Anglo-Irish War ‘Towards Ireland Free’ fondly remembers the welcome they always received, not only from the Kilmurry/Crookstown Company Officers but also the people of the area. On the morning of Sunday, 22nd of August 1920, the area itself was witness to an ambush of Crown Forces at Lissarda. Local Volunteer William Powell of the Kilmurry Company (later Crookstown Company) observed a convoy of RIC and Tans on the way from Cork to Macroom earlier that morning and knowing they would at some stage return to Cork, set about staging an ambush on their route through Lissarda. It was only about 2:30pm when the convoy arrived at Lissarda but even at this stage all the ambush party had not yet arrived in their positions; there had been 12:30pm Mass to attend, guns to be collected, most likely farm work and probably some dinner. During the engagement one Volunteer was killed. The local man was Michael Galvin who was secretly buried in the Kilmurry Churchyard (any overt ceremony would have incurred reprisals for the family), before later being interred, when it was safe to do so, in St. Mary’s Graveyard, Kilmurry. One of the last actions of the war just a few weeks before the truce, saw the torching of the big house at Warrenscourt. Even at this late stage of the war there was evidence that the British were intent on stationing troops there to suppress IRA activity in the area. This showed the belief of both sides that even with a truce in sight they would be more than ready to continue the fight. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1919 - 1921 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Photograph of Michael Galvin Subject The topic of the resource Anglo-Irish War, Irish War of Independence, War of Independence, Ireland, 1919-1921 Description An account of the resource Photo of Michael Galvin - 22/8/1920 Lissarda Ambush Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Rev D. O' Mahony Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Photograph Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0004 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1919-1921 1919-1921 Anglo-Irish War Ireland Irish War of Independence Lissarda Ambush War of Independence https://imkarchive.org/files/original/f4c132b5d30e5870d56818bf8abec9f5.jpg 9d5a2dee9d4b289421b5ef5790fc8fa4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Irish War of Independence Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Type The nature or genre of the resource Subject The topic of the resource Irish War of Independence Description An account of the resource War of Independence Cogadh na Saoirse In the immediate aftermath of the Rising it seemed that a calm had settled on Ireland; the command structure of the Volunteers had been depleted and a countrywide round-up of dissenters had been exiled to internment in the United Kingdom. However a simmering resentment remained among the people due to the execution of the rebel leaders, internment of the surviving Volunteers and the continued recruitment drive for manpower for the War effort; allied with the carrot and stick approach tactics of the British linking the implementation of Home Rule to conscription. The rejuvenated Volunteers and its leaders, once released from internment (Frongoch Internment Camp in Wales was known as the “University of Revolution “) had begun to re-organize and rally around the issue of recruitment. The funeral in 1917 of 1916 leader Thomas Ashe (who died on hunger strike while being force fed) had many echoes of the pre-Rising funeral of O’ Donovan Rossa; the impressive organisation of the Volunteers on the day of Ashe’s funeral, and even the choice of a relatively unknown funeral orator, Michael Collins; who would go on to play as dominant a role in the forthcoming conflict, as Patrick Pearse had done in the previous one. Other important indicators of the subtle return of confidence to the separatist ranks were the ceding, by Arthur Griffith of the Presidency of Sinn Fein in favour of Eamon De Valera and the subsequent election of De Valera as President of the Volunteers; increasingly referred to as the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Sinn Fein now had the confidence of an army underlying it. The IRA, after the Sinn Fein landslide victory in the general election of 1918, now enjoyed the legitimacy of a democratic majority. Having stood on a policy platform of abstaining from the Westminster Parliament - regarding it as a foreign parliament, the newly elected Sinn Fein members ( those that were not still imprisoned or on the run) convened on 21st of January , 1918 to form the new independent assembly, Dáil Éireann. On the same day in Soloheadbeg, County Tipperary, two RIC policemen were killed by men from the South Tipperary Brigade of the IRA, in an attempt to gain much needed arms. This is regarded as the first significant encounter of the Anglo-Irish War. Apart from purloining arms, another key tactic of the IRA was instigating a boycott, among locals, of the police. This intimidation inevitably led to a mass of retirements and reduction in the force and ultimately abandoning many of the more isolated rural barracks; leading to a breakdown in civil authority and a further legitimacy to Sinn Fein as the only local enforcement of civil order. The British authorities were prepared to leave the conflict at a ‘law and order’ level as a war would effectively recognise the authority of the new government. The preferred method of engaging with the insurgents was by way of ‘unofficial’ reprisals and harassment but these practices usually only elicited more resentment from the general populace. It was only when an orchestrated attack on three RIC barracks in the Cork area commanded by The Cork No.1 Brigade, that acknowledgment was made at British Government level that “…acts of war…” had been committed. One of these concurrent attacks was an unsuccessful one on the RIC Barracks at Kilmurry by a force of about 60 Macroom Company men with some men from the Kilmurry Company acting as scouts and look-outs. Eventually the British acknowledged the escalation of hostilities by recruiting support for the understrength RIC. This arrived in the form of temporary cadets – Black and Tans – named after their ad-hoc uniforms which were a mix of RIC and British Army due to supply shortages; figuratively betraying also the dual nature of their role. There were further reinforcements from experienced former British Officers in the guise of a paramilitary force, the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), more commonly known as Auxiliaries or Auxies. A further bolster to the Crown Forces was the introduction of the draconian Restoration of Order in Ireland Act 1920 and later on the selective introduction of martial law. The IRA in Cork responded to the escalation of hostilities with their own mobile paramilitary units – The Flying Column – which gained some notable military victories over the more experienced and numerically superior Crown Forces. In Dublin Michael Collins as Director of Intelligence for the Irish Republican Army (among his many roles) had a notable coup whereby the IRA essentially emasculated British Intelligence operations in Dublin by locating and killing eleven members of the crack undercover team known as the ‘Cairo Gang’. In retaliation the Crown Forces opened fire on a Gaelic football match in Croke Park; fourteen civilians died in the attack. Later on the British murdered three IRA prisoners it was holding in Dublin Castle. The day was dubbed as ‘Bloody Sunday’ and was considered a major propaganda and strategic victory for the IRA. The same year saw another major military and morale boosting victory for the IRA when in Cork an ambush of Auxiliaries in Kilmichael by the West Cork Flying Column resulted in 17 British casualties for the loss of three Volunteers. In response the British imposed martial law in most of Munster, including County Cork. In Cork City they also imposed a curfew and on the night of 11–12 December 1920 they burnt and looted the city as a reprisal for an engagement earlier on that evening and the Kilmichael Ambush, two weeks earlier. While the next few months saw even more tit-for-tat casualties it seemed clear that both sides were fighting a battle neither side could hope to win. Eventually a truce was agreed on 21st of July 1921. Since Munster, Cork in particular, saw a majority of the action outside of Dublin in the War of Independence it is no surprise that Kilmurry and its neighbouring parishes were witness to some of the key activities and engagements of the conflict; given its proximity to British garrisons at Cork, Ballincollig, Macroom and Bandon, and the consequent troop movement between them. This concentration of enemy forces attracted IRA attention to the area facilitated by a network of safe houses and loyal following. One such safe-house was in the neighbouring Parish of Kilmichael, Joe O’ Sullivan’s house at Gurranereigh. While Kilmurry was in the 1st Cork Brigade area it was adjacent to the 3rd Cork Brigade, to whose men it was considered a safe and convenient haven. It was to this house that Tom Barry and his men of the 1st Cork Brigade retired to billets after the Crossbarry Ambush on 19th of March 1921. Indeed the area was so often used by the men of the West Cork Flying Column that Sean O’ Hegarty, Officer Commanding of the Ist Cork Brigade once enquired of Tom Barry if “… (they) had any food or houses in West Cork”. Another member of the West Cork Flying Column and a veteran of the Crossbarry and Kilmichael Ambushes was Liam Deasy who in his memoir of the Anglo-Irish War ‘Towards Ireland Free’ fondly remembers the welcome they always received, not only from the Kilmurry/Crookstown Company Officers but also the people of the area. On the morning of Sunday, 22nd of August 1920, the area itself was witness to an ambush of Crown Forces at Lissarda. Local Volunteer William Powell of the Kilmurry Company (later Crookstown Company) observed a convoy of RIC and Tans on the way from Cork to Macroom earlier that morning and knowing they would at some stage return to Cork, set about staging an ambush on their route through Lissarda. It was only about 2:30pm when the convoy arrived at Lissarda but even at this stage all the ambush party had not yet arrived in their positions; there had been 12:30pm Mass to attend, guns to be collected, most likely farm work and probably some dinner. During the engagement one Volunteer was killed. The local man was Michael Galvin who was secretly buried in the Kilmurry Churchyard (any overt ceremony would have incurred reprisals for the family), before later being interred, when it was safe to do so, in St. Mary’s Graveyard, Kilmurry. One of the last actions of the war just a few weeks before the truce, saw the torching of the big house at Warrenscourt. Even at this late stage of the war there was evidence that the British were intent on stationing troops there to suppress IRA activity in the area. This showed the belief of both sides that even with a truce in sight they would be more than ready to continue the fight. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1919 - 1921 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Civil War Travelling Permit Subject The topic of the resource Anglo-Irish War, Irish War of Independence, War of Independence, Ireland, 1919-1921 Description An account of the resource Travelling permit during Civil war signed by Major General Emmet Dalton on 11th of October 1922 in Cork; his wedding to Alice Shannon was 2 days previous on 9 October 1922 in Cork's Imperial Hotel. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived T. O'Mahony Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Independence Museum Kilmurry Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource n.d. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kilmurry Historical & Archaeological Association Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Card Language A language of the resource eng Type The nature or genre of the resource physical object Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context KHAA.IMK.0013 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1919-1921 1919-1921 Anglo-Irish War Ireland Irish War of Independence War of Independence