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                  <text>War of Independence&#13;
Cogadh na Saoirse&#13;
&#13;
In the immediate aftermath of the Rising it seemed that a calm had settled on Ireland; the command structure of the Volunteers had been depleted and a countrywide round-up of dissenters had been exiled to internment in the United Kingdom. &#13;
However a simmering resentment remained among the people due to the execution of the rebel leaders, internment of the surviving Volunteers and the continued recruitment drive for manpower for the War effort; allied with the carrot and stick approach tactics of the British linking the implementation of Home Rule to conscription.&#13;
The rejuvenated Volunteers and its leaders, once released from internment (Frongoch Internment Camp in Wales was known as the “University of Revolution “) had begun to re-organize and rally around the issue of recruitment. The funeral in 1917 of 1916 leader Thomas Ashe (who died on hunger strike while being force fed) had many echoes of the pre-Rising funeral of O’ Donovan Rossa; the impressive organisation of the Volunteers on the day of Ashe’s funeral, and even the choice of a relatively unknown funeral orator, Michael Collins; who would go on to play as dominant a role in the forthcoming conflict, as Patrick Pearse had done in the previous one.&#13;
Other important indicators of the subtle return of confidence to the separatist ranks were the ceding, by Arthur Griffith of the Presidency of Sinn Fein in favour of Eamon De Valera and the subsequent election of De Valera as President of the Volunteers; increasingly referred to as the Irish Republican Army (IRA).&#13;
Sinn Fein now had the confidence of an army underlying it. The IRA, after the Sinn Fein landslide victory in the general election of 1918, now enjoyed the legitimacy of a democratic majority. Having stood on a policy platform of abstaining  from the Westminster Parliament - regarding it as a foreign parliament, the newly elected Sinn Fein members ( those that were not still imprisoned or on the run) convened on 21st of January , 1918 to form the new independent assembly, Dáil Éireann.&#13;
On the same day in Soloheadbeg, County Tipperary, two RIC policemen were killed by men from the South Tipperary Brigade of the IRA, in an attempt to gain much needed  arms.  This is regarded as the first significant encounter of the Anglo-Irish War. &#13;
Apart from purloining arms, another key tactic of the IRA was instigating a boycott, among locals, of the police. This intimidation inevitably led to a mass of retirements and reduction in the force and ultimately abandoning many of the more isolated rural barracks; leading to a breakdown in civil authority and a further legitimacy to Sinn Fein as the only local enforcement of civil order.&#13;
The British authorities were prepared to leave the conflict at a ‘law and order’ level as a war would effectively recognise the authority of the new government. The preferred method of engaging with the insurgents was by way of ‘unofficial’ reprisals and harassment but these practices usually only elicited more resentment from the general populace. &#13;
&#13;
It was only when an orchestrated attack on three RIC barracks in the Cork area commanded by The Cork No.1 Brigade, that acknowledgment was made at British Government level that “…acts of war…” had been committed. One of these concurrent attacks was an unsuccessful one on the RIC Barracks at Kilmurry by a force of about 60 Macroom Company men with some men from the Kilmurry Company acting as scouts and look-outs.&#13;
Eventually the British acknowledged the escalation of hostilities by recruiting support for the understrength RIC.  This arrived in the form of temporary cadets – Black and Tans – named after their ad-hoc uniforms which were a mix of RIC and British Army due to supply shortages; figuratively betraying also the dual nature of their role. There were further reinforcements from experienced former British Officers in the guise of a paramilitary force, the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), more commonly known as Auxiliaries or Auxies.  A further bolster to the Crown Forces was the introduction of the draconian Restoration of Order in Ireland Act 1920 and later on the selective introduction of martial law.&#13;
The IRA in Cork responded to the escalation of hostilities with their own mobile paramilitary units – The Flying Column – which gained some notable military victories over the more experienced and numerically superior Crown Forces.&#13;
In Dublin Michael Collins as Director of Intelligence for the Irish Republican Army  (among his many roles) had a notable coup whereby the IRA essentially emasculated British Intelligence operations in Dublin by locating and killing eleven members of the crack undercover team known as the ‘Cairo Gang’. In retaliation the Crown Forces opened fire on a Gaelic football match in Croke Park; fourteen civilians died in the attack. Later on the British murdered three IRA prisoners it was holding in Dublin Castle. The day was dubbed as ‘Bloody Sunday’ and was considered a major propaganda and strategic victory for the IRA.&#13;
The same year saw another major military and morale boosting victory for the IRA when in Cork an ambush of Auxiliaries in Kilmichael by the West Cork Flying Column resulted in 17 British casualties for the loss of three Volunteers. In response the British imposed martial law in most of Munster, including County Cork. In Cork City they also imposed a curfew and on the night of 11–12 December 1920 they burnt and looted the city as a reprisal for an engagement earlier on that evening and the   Kilmichael Ambush, two weeks earlier.&#13;
While the next few months saw even more tit-for-tat casualties it seemed clear that both sides were fighting a battle neither side could hope to win. Eventually a truce was agreed on 21st of July 1921. &#13;
&#13;
Since Munster, Cork in particular, saw a majority of the action outside of Dublin in the War of Independence it is no surprise that Kilmurry and its neighbouring parishes were witness to some of the key activities and engagements of the conflict; given its proximity to British garrisons at Cork, Ballincollig, Macroom and Bandon, and the consequent troop movement between them. This concentration of enemy forces attracted IRA attention to the area facilitated by a network of safe houses and loyal following.&#13;
&#13;
One such safe-house was in the neighbouring Parish of Kilmichael, Joe O’ Sullivan’s house at Gurranereigh. While Kilmurry was in the 1st Cork Brigade area it was adjacent to the 3rd Cork Brigade, to whose men it was considered a safe and convenient haven. It was to this house that Tom Barry and his men of the 1st Cork Brigade retired to billets after the Crossbarry Ambush on 19th of March 1921. Indeed the area was so often used by the men of the West Cork Flying Column that Sean O’ Hegarty, Officer Commanding of the Ist Cork Brigade once enquired of Tom Barry if “… (they) had any food or houses in West Cork”.&#13;
Another member of the West Cork Flying Column and a veteran of the Crossbarry and Kilmichael Ambushes was Liam Deasy who in his memoir of the Anglo-Irish War ‘Towards Ireland Free’ fondly remembers the welcome they always received, not only from the Kilmurry/Crookstown Company Officers but also the people of the area.&#13;
On the morning of Sunday, 22nd of August 1920, the area itself was witness to an ambush of Crown Forces at Lissarda.&#13;
Local Volunteer William Powell of the Kilmurry Company (later Crookstown Company) observed a convoy of RIC and Tans on the way from Cork to Macroom earlier that morning and knowing they would at some stage return to Cork, set about staging an ambush on their route through Lissarda.&#13;
It was only about 2:30pm when the convoy arrived at Lissarda but even at this stage all the ambush party had not yet arrived in their positions; there had been 12:30pm Mass to attend,  guns to be collected, most likely farm work and probably some dinner. During the engagement one Volunteer was killed. The local man was Michael Galvin who was secretly buried in the Kilmurry Churchyard (any overt ceremony would have incurred reprisals for the family), before later being interred, when it was safe to do so, in St. Mary’s Graveyard, Kilmurry.&#13;
&#13;
One of the last actions of the war just a few weeks before the truce, saw the torching of the big house at Warrenscourt. Even at this late stage of the war there was evidence that the British were intent on stationing troops there to suppress IRA activity in the area. This showed the belief of both sides that even with a truce in sight they would be more than ready to continue the fight.&#13;
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                  <text>Éirí Amach na Cásca&#13;
&#13;
After the split in the Volunteer organisation, the breakaway Irish Volunteers were now wholly under the control of the physical force proponents. However, the Executive leadership of the organisation, while not against the idea of confronting the British, were of the view that any confrontation that would take place would only be in the case of an attempt to impose conscription or any effort to suppress the organisation or seize their weapons. Chief-of-Staff Eoin MacNeill firmly believed that if any uprising were to occur without popular support, it would be doomed to failure.&#13;
While the leadership of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), the driving force behind the Irish Volunteers, largely shared this view, the IRB Military Council itself had been planning an armed insurrection against the British while they were preoccupied with the First World War. This Military Council would eventually comprise of all the future signatories of the Proclamation of the Irish Republic.&#13;
One of the later additions to the Military Council was James Connolly of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA) whose own inclination, independent of the Military Council, was to stage an armed rebellion.&#13;
&#13;
The genesis of the Easter Rising of 1916 is supposed to have begun at Patrick Pearse’s stirring graveyard oration at the funeral of renowned Fenian and Rosscarbery native Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa in August of 1915 in Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin. The mass mobilization surrounding the funeral was a deliberately overt demonstration of the strength and military precision of the Irish Volunteers.&#13;
When the actual Insurrection occurred on Easter Weekend 1916, the reality was somewhat different. A determination by the Military Council to keep the planning secret both from dissenting leadership of the Volunteers (indeed from some of the IRB also) and from possible informers, resulted in the regional command structure being unaware of the true nature of the planned mobilisation for that weekend. Chaos then ensued due to a countermanding order issued by MacNeill (a press notice was issued in that weekend’s newspaper!), once he became aware of the imminent insurrection.  Once this countermanding order from the Chief-of-Staff had been issued, the regional leadership had no choice but to fall in line despite counter-countermanding orders issued subsequently. One also has to appreciate the difficulty of communication given the constraints of time and distance, all under the ever watchful eyes of the police, the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC).&#13;
Another spanner in the works was the arrest of Sir Roger Casement and the interception of the Aud, which was to land at Tralee, carrying much needed guns and ammunition from the Germans.&#13;
In Dublin the intervention of MacNeill only succeeded in delaying the insurrection for one day because the command structure there was directly linked to the Military Council. &#13;
&#13;
“Boys, some of us may never come back!”&#13;
- Thomas MacDonagh&#13;
&#13;
The Rising began on Easter Monday with the mobilisation of the Irish Volunteers, Connolly’s ICA, Cumann na mBan and some other minor groupings. While they seized and occupied many key buildings, they set up headquarters in the heart of Dublin’s main thoroughfare, in the General Post Office (GPO). The reception from the local populace was at best indifferent and at worse insulting. This however soon turned to outright resentment due to the widespread destruction of the city by the consequent British bombardment. It appeared that the Rebels’ assertion that the British would not destroy the properties of one of the major cities of its Empire was unfounded; they were treating Dublin more like Berlin than Birmingham!&#13;
After 5 days and in the face of overwhelming superiority of forces and artillery, to save lives and property, the Rebels agreed to an unconditional surrender.&#13;
While plans may have envisaged a more widespread Rising and aspired to a more successful conclusion, there is no doubt that the leaders were under no illusions as to the likeliest outcome: their courts-martial and executions for treason under the wide-ranging wartime Defence of the Realm Act (DORA). Their main aim all the time was to provoke a reaction from the British and to raise the consciousness of those whom they believed were falsely placated by the promise of devolved regional government, while at the same time giving a glimpse of the paucity of autonomy that Home Rule would provide.&#13;
Given the strictures of wartime censorship and a mostly unsympathetic press it is difficult to gauge the amount of popular support there might have been for a revolution before the British lionised the leaders by executing them over an extended period of time and by their mass countrywide round-up and internment of Irish Volunteers.&#13;
In the 1918 General Election, Sinn Féin, their manifesto standing firmly by the same principles as envisaged by the Proclamation of the Provisional Government of Easter, 1916, gained a remarkable landslide victory. &#13;
“… order, counter-order, disorder”&#13;
- Terence MacSwiney&#13;
&#13;
In Cork, in his role as Brigade Commander of the Cork Volunteers, Tomás MacCurtain, had control of some thousand Volunteers; these were to be deployed in the transport and distribution of the imminent arms shipment due to arrive on the Aud. It is not clear exactly when MacCurtain was informed of the planned Rising for that weekend ( as an IRB member he most likely was taken into the confidence of the Military Council), but he was certainly well prepared for the very real possibility of an engagement with enemy forces when coming into possession of so many arms.&#13;
The planned role for Cork in the Rising would require that members of the Cork City Battalion would take the train (some made their way by bicycle) from Cork to Crookstown on Easter Sunday, rendezvous with the other Cork Battalions at Béal na Blath, and then proceed to Kilmurry where they were to be joined by some 20 men from the Kilmurry Company. In all some 400 men assembled in Kilmurry and then set off to Macroom from where they were to proceed onto Carriganimma to meet up with other Companies assembled there. MacCurtain was in the winless position of knowing that the shipment of arms had been intercepted but had decided to continue the mobilization through to Macroom, at least as an exercise and even more importantly to maintain discipline and morale.&#13;
It was only on his return to Cork City on Easter Monday  to stand down the Volunteers, having spent the previous twenty-four hours travelling County Cork with MacSwiney, that he was informed that an insurrection had indeed begun in Dublin. The Cork City Volunteers held the Volunteer Hall in Sheares Street for most of that week under threat of bombardment from the British Military forces unless all arms were surrendered. An accommodation was reached after intervention by the Bishop of Cork and Kilmichael Parish native, Daniel Cohalan and Lord Mayor of Cork, Councillor Thomas C. Butterfield; the arms would be deposited for safekeeping to the Lord Mayor and the men would be free to return to their homes. These terms were then breached by the British when they raided the Lord Mayor’s house and captured the arms and subsequently interned both MacCurtain and MacSwiney.&#13;
Later enquiries carried out by the Volunteers and the IRB found that MacCurtain and MacSwiney had conducted themselves appropriately given the circumstances on that confusing weekend. Exonerated or not, there was no little frustration experienced by them and their fellow Volunteers; given their sense of uselessness in the face of the much different experience and tragic outcome experienced by their Dublin colleagues.&#13;
They would have to bide their time to vent this frustration.  &#13;
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